History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880 Volume II Part 39

_a.s.sistant Professors._

_MILITARY STAFF._

ALBERT L. MAGILTON (Graduate of West Point Military Academy, and late Colonel 4th Regiment Pennsylvania Reserve Corps), _Professor of Infantry Tactics and Army Regulations._

LEVI FETTERS (Late Captain 175th Pennsylvania Regiment), _Professor of Infantry Tactics and Army Regulations._

STUDENT DANL. W. HERR (Late 1st Lieutenant Co. E., 122d Pennsylvania Regiment), _Post Adjutant._

STUDENT J. HALE SYPHER, OF PENNSYLVANIA, _Field Adjutant._

STUDENT LOUIS M. TAFT. M.D.

(Graduate of University of Penn.), _Surgeon._

_ACADEMIC STAFF._

JOHN P. BIRCH, A.M., A. E. ROGERSON, A.M., _Professors of Mathematics, Geography, and History_

Wm. L. WILSON, _Librarian and Phonographic Clerk._

STUDENT CHARLES BENTRICK, SR., _Postmaster._

JAMES BUCHANAN (COLORED), _Messenger._

Within less than six months 1,051 applicants had been examined; 560 pa.s.sed, and 491 were rejected.

Four regular cla.s.ses were formed, and in addition to daily recitations the students were required to drill twice every day. The school performed excellent work; and furnished for the service many brave and efficient officers.

By December, 1863, 100,000 Colored Troops were in the service. About 50,000 were armed by that time and in the field.

Everywhere they were winning golden laurels by their apt.i.tude in drill, their patient performance of the duties of the camp, and by their matchless courage in the deadly field. The young white officers who so cheerfully bore the odium of commanding Colored Troops, and who so heroically faced the dangers of capture and cruel death, had no superiors in the army. They had the supreme satisfaction of commanding brave men to whom they soon found themselves deeply attached. It was a school in which the n.o.blest and purest patriot might feel himself honored and inspired to the performance of deathless deeds of valor.

The following tables indicate the manner in which the work was done.

_a.n.a.lysis of Examination of Applicants for Command of Colored Troops, before the Board at Was.h.i.+ngton, of which Major-General Silas Casey is President, from the organization of the Board to March 29th, 1864, inclusive._

Number accepted and for what rank recommended.

--------------------------- Colonels.

| Lieutenant-Colonels.

| | Majors.

Rank. | | | Captains.

| | | | 1st Lieutenants.

| | | | | 2d Lieutenants.

Number | | | | | | Number examined. | | | | | | rejected.

Colonels 4 - - 2 - - - 2 Lieutenant-Colonels 3 - 2 - - 1 - - Majors 9 2 3 1 2 - - 1 Captains 68 3 7 8 20 5 3 22 1st Lieutenants 52 3 - 4 10 8 7 20 2d Lieutenants 24 - - - 9 2 3 10 Sergeants 505 - 1 - 62 75 133 234 Corporals 230 - - - 23 46 64 97 Privates 449 - - - 26 57 124 242 Civilians 429 1 6 15 48 49 94 216 -------------------------------------- 1,773 9 19 30 200 243 428 844 Students of the Philadelphia Free Military School 94 2 4 6 28 25 25 4 -------------------------------------- 1,867 11 23 36 228 268 453 848

_a.n.a.lysis of the Examination to 31st March, 1864, of the Students of the Philadelphia Free Military School, before the Board of Examiners at Was.h.i.+ngton, for Applicants for Command of Colored Troops, Major-General Silas Casey, President._

Number accepted and for what rank recommended.

--------------------------- Colonels.

| Lieut-Colonels.

| | Majors.

Rank. | | | Captains.

| | | | 1st Lieutenants.

| | | | | 2d Lieutenants.

Number | | | | | | Number examined. | | | | | | rejected.

Sergeants 14 - 1 - 3 3 6 1 Corporals 8 - - - 2 4 2 - Privates 33 1 - 1 9 11 10 1 Civilians[95] 39 1 3 5 14 6 8 2 ---------------------------------------- 94 2 4 6 28 24 26 4

The following official table gives the entire number of Colored Troops in the army from beginning to end.

STATES AND TERRITORIES.

Colored Troops furnished 1861-'65.

Connecticut 1,764 Maine 104 Ma.s.sachusetts 3,966 New Hamps.h.i.+re 125 Rhode Island 1,837 Vermont 120 ------ Total of New England States 7,916

New Jersey 1,185 New York 4,125 Pennsylvania 8,612 ------ Total of Middle States 13,922

STATES AND TERRITORIES.--(_Continued._)

Colored Troops furnished 1861-'65.

Colorado Ter. 95 Dakota Ter. - Illinois 1,811 Indiana 1,537 Iowa 440 Kansas 2,080 Michigan 1,387 Minnesota 104 Nebraska Ter. - New Mexico Ter. - Ohio 5,092 Wisconsin 165 ------ Total, Western States and Territories 12,711

California - Nevada - Oregon - Was.h.i.+ngton Ter. - Delaware 954 Dist. Columbia 3,269 Kentucky 23,703 Maryland 8,718 Missouri 8,344 West Virginia 196 ------ Total, Border States 45,184

Alabama 4,969 Arkansas 5,526 Florida 1,044 Georgia - Louisiana 3,486 Mississippi 17,869 North Carolina 5,035 South Carolina 5,462 Tennessee 20,133 Texas 47 Virginia - ------ Total, Southern States 63,571

STATES AND TERRITORIES.--(_Continued._)

Colored Troops furnished 1861-'65.

Indian Nation - Colored Troops[96] - ------- Grand Total 173,079 At Large 733 Not accounted for 5,083 Officers 7,122 ------- Total 186,017

Notwithstanding the complete demonstration of fact that Negroes were required as United States soldiers, there were many opposers of the movement. Some of the best men and leading journals were very conservative on this question. An elaborate and cautious editorial in the "New York Times" of February 16, 1863, fairly exhibits the nervousness of the North on the subject of the military employment of the Negro.

"USE OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS.

"One branch of Congress has rejected a bill authorizing the enlistment of negro soldiers. Mr. Sumner declares his intention to persist in forcing the pa.s.sage of such a law by offering it as an amendment to some other bill. Meantime the President, by laws already enacted, has full authority over the subject, and we can see no good object to be attained by forcing it into the discussions of Congress and adding it to the causes of dissension already existing in the country at large.

"A law of last Congress authorized the President to use the negroes as laborers or _otherwise_, as they can be made most useful in the work of quelling the rebellion. Under this authority, it is understood that he has decided to use them in certain cases as soldiers. Some of them are already employed in garrisoning Southern forts, on the Mississippi River, which whites cannot safely occupy on account of the climate. Governor Sprague has authority to raise negro regiments in Rhode Island, and has proclaimed his intention to lead them when raised in person, and Gov. Andrew has received similar authority for the State of Ma.s.sachusetts. We see, therefore, not the slightest necessity for any further legislation on this subject, and hope Mr. Sumner will consent that Congress may give its attention, during the short remainder of its session, to topics of pressing practical importance.

"Whether negroes shall or shall not be employed as soldiers, seems to us purely a question of expediency, and to be solved satisfactorily only by experiment. As to our _right_ so to employ them, it seems absurd to question it for a moment. The most bigoted and inveterate stickler for the absolute divinity of slavery in the Southern States would scarcely insist that, as a matter of right, either const.i.tutional or moral, we could not employ negroes as soldiers in the army. Whether they are, or are not, by nature, by law, or by usage, the equals of the white man, makes not the slightest difference in this respect. Even those at the North who are so terribly shocked at the prospect of their being thus employed, confine their objections to grounds of expediency. They urge:

"1st. That the negroes will not fight. This, if true, is exclusive against their being used as soldiers. But we see no way of testing the question except by trying the experiment. It will take but a very short time and but very few battles to determine whether they have courage, steadiness, subjection to military discipline and the other qualities essential to good soldiers.h.i.+p or not. If they have, this objection will fall, if not then beyond all question they will cease to be employed.

"2d. It is said that the whites will not fight with them--that the prejudice against them is so strong that our own citizens will not enlist, or will quit the service, if compelled to fight by their side,--and that we shall thus lose two white soldiers for one black one that we gain. If this is true, they ought not to be employed. The object of using them is to strengthen our military force; and if the project does not accomplish this, it is a failure. The question, moreover, is one of fact, not of theory. It matters nothing to say that it _ought_ not to have this effect--that the prejudice is absurd and should not be consulted. The point is, not what men _ought_ to do, but what they will _do_. We have to deal with human nature, with prejudice, with pa.s.sion, with habits of thought and feeling, as well as with reason and sober judgment and the moral sense.

Possibly the Government may have made a mistake in its estimate of the effect of this measure on the public mind. The use of negroes as soldiers may have a worse effect on the army and on the people than they have supposed.

"But this is a matter of opinion upon which men have differed.