The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 2
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The attention of Rome was drawn to these things; but it did not at all abandon the hope of winning him back again. A _literal and faithful_ translation of the letter, sent to him from Zurich, on the 14 August 1518, by Antonio Pucei, nuntio of the Apostolic See, is here added:
"Glorious by virtues and merits, commended as well by experience as by the testimony of your honorable fame, you have found such favor in the eyes of our Lord, the Pope and the Apostolic See, that we, full of paternal kindness, keeping in view your person adorned with scientific culture, graciously purpose, according to the authority granted as by our aforesaid Lord, the Pope, to confer on you a t.i.tle of special dignity. But hereby you perceive in truth, whither our kind disposition toward you would tend, when we now create you--who are a master of arts, whom, we, out of regard to merits already alluded to, would promote and adorn with the t.i.tle and privileges of a special post of honor,--you, whom we, if you have fallen in any way under any ban, suspension, interdict, or other ecclesiastical sentence, or under any censure or penalty of any court, or of individual men, be its origin what it may, partaking in the operations of our favor, and turning your prayer toward us in relation to the matter, we would now absolve and have known as absolved--you, we now, in the name of our holy Lord, the Pope and the Apostolic See, in accordance with these presents, create an _acolyte-chaplain_, by the apostolical authority, granted us by the most holy Father in Christ, our Lord, the Lord Leo X, Pope by the decree of G.o.d, and exercised by us, and graciously enroll you in the number and society of the other chosen acolyte-chaplains of our Lord, the Pope, and the Romish See. At the same time we grant you the possession and enjoyment of all the privileges, prerogatives, honors, exceptions, favors, liberties, immunities and indulgences, singly and collectively, which belong to the other acolyte-chaplains of our Lord, the Pope and the Apostolic See, or which they in any way hereafter shall be allowed to possess and enjoy, to be used by you freely and in a lawful manner, unrestricted by the apostolic const.i.tutions and commands, or any other kind of impediment whatsoever. Then will you by aspiring after virtue advance from good to better, and become worthy of a still higher place in the presence of our Lord, the Pope and ourselves, and he himself, our Lord, the Pope, and we will thereby be moved to bestow on you more extensive favors and honors. The present doc.u.ment is dispatched to bear witness, and we have allowed it to be ratified by our seal appended thereto."
"An official style," the scientific reader, who looks at this letter may exclaim; but the people, in whose ranks Zwingli ranged himself, understood and needed another kind of language. That which the Church granted to her pliant acolyte-chaplains--freedom from excommunication, the dwellers in the Alps had sometimes ventured to bestow upon themselves on their own authority in moments of power. The complicated sentences and the promises contained in them, in case of fidelity and submission, made, therefore, little impression upon the Reformer. How independent he was, in this respect, even at Einsiedeln, appears from his letter, of 1525, to Valentine Compar, former state-secretary in Uri. "Observe," says he, "dear Valentine, what I will yet publicly make known to the people, now living, that I, both before and since the schism arose, have discoursed and treated with distinguished cardinals, bishops and prelates concerning errors in doctrine, and warned them to begin the correction of abuses, or else they would be involved in greater trouble. Eight years ago at Einsiedeln and then at Zurich I often proved to the Lord Cardinal of Sion, that the whole Papacy rested on a rotten foundation, and this always by appealing to the Holy Scriptures. The n.o.ble Sir Diebold von Geroldseck, Master Francis Zink and Doctor Michael Sander, all three yet living are my witnesses; and the above-named Cardinal has frequently expressed himself to me in this way, 'If G.o.d restores me again to favor (for he was at that time in disgrace with the Pope), I would then willingly see the pride and falsehood of the Roman Bishop exposed and corrected.' And then, he has not seldom conversed with me about doctrine and the Holy Scripture, and every time would acknowledge the falsehood and his displeasure at it.
But how he behaved afterwards, need not be told here."
When, therefore, the Bishop of Constance himself, just at this time, in a pastoral letter to the clergy of his diocese, uttered, in the strongest terms, complaints of their thoroughly corrupt condition, and deplored, that "many of them, without regard to shame and the fear of G.o.d, kept lewd women in their houses, and would neither put them away nor do better, and that others were addicted to gambling and oftener to be met with in taverns than in their own rooms, wrangled in the streets, scolded, giving rise to uproar as well as blasphemy against the Savior, his blessed mother, and all the saints of G.o.d, wore weapons and clothes altogether unsuited to their condition, entered into unlawful agreements, crept into nunneries and otherwise led abandoned lives at variance with the priestly character," and acknowledged the urgent necessity of a remedy, was it a seditious movement, or not rather a n.o.ble effort to help on a good cause, when Zwingli thanked his chief pastor for this, but at the same time begged him to act as well as speak?
It is easy to imagine how such a zealous discharge of the duties of his calling should more and more attract the attention of the public authorities. Wintherthur was anxious to see him in the place of its deceased pastor. He had to decline, because the citizens of Glarus were not willing to release him from his former engagement. In Zurich even, wither he had come on a visit, the number of his admirers continually increased. The burgomaster Roist and his brethren-in-arms at Marignano were acquainted with him since the Italian campaign. To the senator, Jacob Grebel, he was introduced by his son Conrad, at that time one of his warmest admirers. The canons Utinger, Erasmus, Schmied and Engelhart knew and honored his scientific attainments, and even the hostile disposition, which, then already, some of the most resolute defenders of every kind of wickedness cherished toward him, might well have proved a recommendation to all well-disposed people. Thus the way was prepared for a translation to the scene of his future labors, but before this, Einsiedeln was yet to see him coming out boldly against one of the cardinal sins of the Papal Court.
Samson, the auctioneer of writs of indulgence, came to Switzerland, as Tetzel to Saxony. The shameless trade, carried on by both, in the pretended remission of sins, is well known. We will not revive these scandalous scenes, confidently believing, that their repet.i.tion in our age would be impossible. Even Zwingli paused a moment, before he ventured to attack openly the corrupter of the people, who was backed, as he a.s.serted, by a commission from the Pope. It was the bishop of his country, who strengthened him for the undertaking. "Hugo, Bishop of Constance"--says he in the letter to Compar already quoted from--"has informed me by his Vicar Johansen Faber, since the Franciscan monk Samson would sell indulgences amongst us, and since he, the bishop had learned that I preached against it, and confirmed me therein, he was willing to stand by me in all fidelity. How could I act otherwise? Had I not to obey a bishop of Constance, whose vicar wrote to me,--even if I had not intended to do the same thing before--to make war on the ensnaring system of indulgences?"
He uttered warnings from the pulpit in Einsiedeln and the natural result was, the monk found so little encouragement in the neighboring Schwyz, that he the more quickly pa.s.sed on to richer and more willing hearers in Bern.
But now, with this last act, the ministerial labors of the Reformer in Einsiedeln must be brought to a close. Erhard Battman, people's priest at Zurich, was elected a member of the monastery of that place and resigned his post as preacher. The choice of a successor lay with the canons. A majority of the most influential of them, together with several officers of state urgently desired that Zwingli should be chosen. Oswald Myconius, properly Geisshausler, who is since known as the biographer and friend of Zwingli, became an agent in the matter. He was born at Luzern, four years later than Zwingli, and had received a careful education, particularly in the Latin language at Rothweil under an eminent teacher, and afterwards in the High School at Basel. He early became acquainted with the accomplished Glarea.n.u.s and thanked him especially for his perception of every beautiful and n.o.ble tendency in life, and for an introduction to Zwingli, who once came from Glarus to Basel on a visit. It was the learned Netherlander Erasmus chiefly, around whom, all who strove after culture and science with genuine zeal, united themselves in Basel. Even Art found in this genial man recognition and encouragement. The celebrated painter Holbein was his friend, and had furnished spirited ill.u.s.trations for a book, in which Erasmus had hit off the various follies of the time with wit and humor.
This memorial is preserved to this day in the library of the city. In the society of such distinguished men Myconius found his sphere of knowledge enlarged, his judgment corrected and his will strengthened.
Three beautiful traits appear prominent in his character--Earnestness, Thoroughness, (by which, not content till he had rightly apprehended the smallest details, he rose higher, step by step, but ever the more securely, for thus Platter, afterwards his scholar, has portrayed him with grateful affection), and then, that which only belongs to pure endeavor, a Modesty, that is not concerned about its own praises but only about the propagation of truth, and springing from this and connected with it, the most cordial esteem and the most devoted friends.h.i.+p, where he discovered true merit in others, and an acknowledgment without envy, where he found in them a greater talent than his own. For this reason he became so intimate with Zwingli and remained so true to him, through all changes, to the end of his life.
About the same time that his friend went to Einsiedeln, he himself received a call as teacher in the _foundation school_ at Zurich. Here he soon gained influence and consideration, and it was owing to his efforts that the present invitation was extended to Zwingli, who answered him thus, "See that you tell me of the course of duties, the persons, who are at the head of affairs, the salary and whatever else you can find out. On Wednesday I will dine in Zurich and then we can talk over the matter. I will take no step without your advice.
Congratulate, according to usage, in my name the newly elected Provost Frei, as one who is a friend to learning."
Myconius confirmed him in his resolution to offer himself as a candidate for the post; and, some days after, Zwingli laid open his heart to his friend. "A _fable_"--writes he--"reaches my ears; that Lorenzo Fable, so the Swabian from Graubuenden is called, has preached once before your congregation, and is not wholly unacceptable to the prudent people of Zurich; yet a letter from Michael, the private secretary of the Cardinal, a.s.sures me of the contrary. How, said I to myself, is it thus true, that the prophet has the least honor in his own country? Can a Swabian even be preferred to a Switzer, who, on his own territory, would not be regarded as inferior? Yes, indeed! I see well how he strives to gain the applause of the mult.i.tude by flattery.
I know too that the whole endeavor of the vain man is after that--this Jack Smoke, as I, with our Glarea.n.u.s, will call fellows of his kidney.
Keep this scornful effusion of mine to yourself, dear friend, and continue to work for me, for I will freely confess, the place appears now doubly desirable, since I know, that he hankers after it. Yes, what I would otherwise have borne patiently, would now seem a real disgrace.
Indeed I must go against the warning of Paul, who accuses them, that covet, of worldly-mindedness. Already I had proposed to myself, to expound the whole Gospel of Matthew, an undertaking hitherto unheard of in Germany. Let them choose him and they will soon see what he will bring out of his goose-stall. Take this hasty letter in good part. It is more warm than prudent."
Myconius answered, that his friendly letter was welcome, and the more so, because he had given in it a true picture of himself. About Fable he set his mind at ease. Unfavorable reports of him had since arrived; and there was no one in Zurich, who did not laud Zwingli's attainments to the skies. But his life offered another difficulty. A minority at least found fault with it. A part of them saw in his fondness for music a worldly disposition; others said that he had not confined himself in Glarus to good society; and at a very recent date a rumor began to spread abroad, that he had been guilty of too familiar intercourse with a daughter of a citizen of that place. A further examination of his fitness for the office was committed to the Provost Frei and two members of the canonicate, Utinger and Hofmann. The latter, an aged, severe man, formerly a zealous preacher against the mischief of foreign pensions, was particularly anxious to know what might be in the affair.
"Write to me about it"--concludes he--"not, because you need first prove to me the falsehood of the charge, but because I wish to contradict those who are ill-disposed."
A letter from Zwingli to the canon Utinger immediately followed, in which he honorably confessed the crime, yet affirmed that he had not been the seducer, but the seduced. With shame and anguish he made this confession, and vowed that, for the future, by daily and nightly searchings and labors, he would keep himself free from stains of this sort. "Nevertheless"--continued he--"if such charges are spread abroad by my enemies, your people must have a poor opinion of me, and if I should be elected, the preaching of the Gospel must suffer damage. It is advisable, therefore, for you to consider well beforehand, what the public sentiment may be, and to listen rather to G.o.d than men. Speak frankly about me, with whomsoever you may find it necessary. Show my scrawl," (for that it is and no vindication) "to Myconius, and to any one else you please. I lay my fate in your hands. Whatever the result may be, withdraw not your love; mine for you always remains."
That, after all this, Myconius and Utinger pushed on matters with redoubled zeal; that Hofmann came out on his side; that of the twenty-four canons seventeen cast their votes for him; that in Zurich, and among all the sons of Zurich in foreign lands, the liveliest joy prevailed, shows us that the favorable opinion, held of him, did not suffer much by his confession. It was the same case in the scene of his former labors. The inhabitants of Glarus, to whom he had gone, towards the close of December, in order to resign his post, which he had retained till this time, respected him so highly, that, on the strength of his recommendation, they pa.s.sed themselves over to the care of Valentine Tschudi. At Einsiedeln, Geroldseck acted in the same way. He chose Leo Judae, the friend of Zwingli, as his successor in that place.
The guardian power of the monastery, the Council at Schwyz, wrote to him, "Although we in part regret that you must leave us at Einsiedeln, yet, on the other hand, we rejoice with you in everything that contributes to your profit and honor." Through Glarea.n.u.s the tidings came from Paris, "All the Swiss youth, who are here, were delighted; they exulted, particularly the sons of Zurich. What concerns me is, that I have less reason to wish you happiness than to pity my friends in Glarus." Thus then, he who was taking leave, stands in his true image before us, exhibited in his weakness as well as in his prepondering virtue; no saint--only a man; but a man full of courage and faith. Well! let us accompany him to the enlarged sphere of that ministry of his, whose results will endure for ages.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIRST:
Footnote 1: Dinner was eaten at ten, or at the furthest eleven o'clock.
Footnote 2: Gaston of Foix, Duke of Nemours.
Footnote 3: The Mincio.
Footnote 4: Over the Oglio.
Footnote 5: He confounds it with the Adda, which empties into the Po.
Footnote 6: Again a change of names. The Ticino is meant.
Footnote 7: Even in representations designed for _the people_ such malevolent charges are found. These exaggerations are to be corrected not by concealment, but by a candid statement of the facts.
Footnote 8: This could scarcely have taken place, as may be supposed, during his ministry at Einsiedeln.
Footnote 9: He seems to have made his first open attack on the whole system of pilgrimages in the year 1522, when at the invitation of Geroldseck, he preached once more at Einsiedeln, since, in this year, the 14 September fell on a Sunday, the time of the greater festival of the Consecration of the Angels. The government of Schwyz, which had hitherto favored it, now first opened its eyes.
CHAPTER SECOND
ZWINGLI IN ZURICH. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION. POLITICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS UP TO THE FIRST RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE.
Just as Zwingli began his reformation in Switzerland, Martin Luther made his appearance in the German Empire. Many in those times tried to disparage the work of Zwingli by a.s.serting that he only took the words out of Luther's mouth.--Learned men are since divided, some attributing the first step to the one and some to the other. As far as religion is concerned the question is of little consequence. The corruption of the church was the same in Switzerland as in Germany. Both were men of independent character. Each was developed in his spiritual peculiarities, according to his own nature and the custom of his people. But since Zwingli himself has set forth his relation to Luther, it may be worth our while to listen to his own language: "The great and powerful of this world have begun to proscribe and render odious the doctrine of Christ under the name of Luther; so that they, by whom it is preached, are called Lutherans. Thus it happened also to me. But before any one in our country ever heard the name of Luther, I had commenced to preach the Gospel in the year 1516, since I never went into the pulpit without placing before me the words, read in the Gospel of the ma.s.s for that day, in order to explain them from the Holy Scripture alone. In the beginning of the year, when I came to Zurich, no one yet knew anything of Luther, except that a book was published by him on indulgences, but it taught me little, for I had already been instructed concerning the fraud of indulgences by a disputation, which my beloved teacher, Thomas Wittenbach of Biel, held at Basel, although during my absence. Who then shall give me the nick-name of Lutheran?
And when Luther's little book on the Paternoster appeared, and I had shortly before explained the same Paternoster in Matthew, I well knew, that many pious people suspected me of making that book and adding Luther's name to it. Who then could nick-name me a Lutheran? I point out this with all the circ.u.mstances, so that every one may learn, what the base intentions of several n.o.blemen are, when they venture to tack the name of Luther to all, who preach the Gospel, so as thereby to make the doctrine odious to men, by giving you the name of a man, which is truly nothing else than a gross blasphemy, and a sure sign of a corrupt, G.o.dless conscience. Luther is, as it strikes me, an excellent soldier of G.o.d, who with great earnestness has looked through the Scripture as no one has ever done in a thousand years on earth, and with manly, undaunted spirit, has attacked therewith the Pope of Rome, as no one has ever done like him, as long as the Papacy has endured, yet without receiving abuse from others. But of whom is such an act? of G.o.d, or Luther? Ask Luther himself and, I well know, he will say, 'Of G.o.d.' Why then do you ascribe the doctrine of other men to Luther, when he himself ascribes it to G.o.d? Does Luther preach Christ? Then he does just what I do; although, G.o.d be thanked, by him a countless world more will be led to G.o.d, than by me and others, whose measure G.o.d makes greater or smaller, as he will. Nevertheless I will bear no name but that of my captain, Christ, whose soldier I am, who will give me office and pay as much as seems to him good. Now, I hope, every body will understand, why I do not wish to be nicknamed Lutheran; although I esteem Luther as highly as any man living." He proved by his actions that he spoke the truth, for when the Papal Bull of excommunication against Luther was already sent out, though not yet made known, he strove as far as it was in his power, first by representations to the acting attorney of the Legate in Zurich, and afterwards, by an anonymous publication, to hinder it as much as possible. So Zwingli stood then, acknowledging the high merit of the Saxon Reformer, supporting him, at his side; but now let us turn back to his national career.
The destructive influence of foreign mercenary service and pensions on the character of the people was no less visible in Zurich than in other States of the Confederacy, and the number of families, who were able to resist the charms of gold, displayed freely on all sides, was small, especially in the city. Indeed, the councils and people had, in the year 1513, executed a solemn oath against "Wages and Bribes," as it was called, and two years later, at the rumor of a high-handed breach of it, the people of the lakes rose up and by threats produced the flight of some of the bribed, and the dismissal and punishment of others; but the oath was taken on one day, uproar followed on the second, and then new transgressions on the third. When Zwingli came to Zurich, a suspicion, that had more or less foundation, rested on some of the first men in the government. This was increased by the notorious intrigues of the many foreign emba.s.sies, who were present, and their followers also not seldom helped on the demoralization of the city. In Bern the state of morals was better than in Zurich. "The Bernese"--wrote Sebastian Wagner to Zwingli--"appear to me not so morally corrupt as our people of Zurich. Their dress and their manners have a certain air of ancient Swiss simplicity." Bullinger also says, "Before the preaching of the Gospel Zurich was almost like Corinth in Greece. Much lewdness and frivolity prevailed, because diets were held there and many strangers flocked in, where the emba.s.sies of lords and princes were staying." George Mangolt of Constance tells us that he heard Zwingli himself say from the pulpit in the year 1520, that on a former visit to Zurich "he found so much wickedness there, that he silently resolved never to become a pastor in that city and prayed G.o.d to prevent it," and some years later, when reform began to gain ground, one of his friends, Anthony Dublet, wrote to him from Leyden, "I cannot tell you, what joy possessed me, what comfort stole into my heart, when I heard, that the first state of the Confederacy, your men of Zurich, till now, it seemed, born only for war and murder, more beasts than men, have laid aside their G.o.dless avarice joined to a G.o.dless cruelty, and in good faith pledged themselves to the simple Gospel and Christ, the Lord, the true Mediator. Truly, G.o.d is mighty, who can from such stones raise up children to Abraham!" The number of executions, one of which occurred nearly every month, was not able to keep down outbreaks of the lawless spirit, which ruled the nation, and the sentences of the judges on the bench not seldom bore marks of the rudeness of the age.
In the second year of Zwingli's ministry, a witch was burnt, because she confessed on the rack, that she had sold herself to the Devil, had enjoyed connection with him, had ridden on a stick to Schaffhausen, and to an a.s.sembly of wicked spirits on the Heuberg, lamed cattle, and conjured up a frost and five hail-storms. New saints also were wantonly manufactured. The journeyman-tailors proclaimed St. Goodman as their patron, left off work, and went dancing about to the music of a drum.
The authorities were compelled to interfere with sternness. All this shows the difficulties, that met the Reformer, on the part of the people, to whom he was sent.
And as it regards the government and the clergy his path was in no degree smoother. That some of the most distinguished members of the council were honestly and decidedly national in their feelings cannot be doubted. There is no evidence to show, that the burgomaster Mark Roist ever preferred his private advantage before the public weal, and his son Diethelm also, who sat next his father in the council, was an acknowledged man of honor. The deputy Rudolph Thumeisen had likewise maintained an unspotted reputation, and George Berger and Hans Effinger, even in Italy, among so many degraded characters, proved themselves incorruptible. Hans Edlebach, the treasurer Werdmueller, the banneret Schweizer, and of the younger men, Ulric Funk and Lavater, _landvogt_ at Kyburg, enjoyed universal esteem. But besides these, there was another party, composed of men, who as the crowd says, meant well, though they were weak, and not inaccessible to the corrupting influences of the time, and hence undecided in moments of peril. The second burgomaster Schmied, his successor, the deputy Walder, and the senator Jacob Grebel may be pointed out as belonging to this cla.s.s. On the other hand, there was yet a third cla.s.s, who, were ready to desert any cause, and to help on and take part in any bold, disorderly proceeding. Accustomed to splendor and good-living, they had been reduced to poverty by idleness and prodigality, and hence were always in the market for the highest bidder. And yet by reason of their n.o.ble descent, and their extensive connections they were able to wield a considerable influence, for most of them were members of the aristocracy. Among these appear the Gldins, the Stapfers, the Landenbergs, some of the branches of Zieglers and the Rahns, and bold men, like Onofrion Setzstab, who were prepared for any undertaking.
Zwingli could foresee in them all, his deadly, and at a later period perhaps his powerful enemies.
Among the clergy, the new people's priest was brought into direct intercourse with the canons, who elected and had control over him.
Although they had his kind wishes, he yet resolved, to act freely according to his convictions, supported by a feeling of spiritual superiority. He could scarcely have rejected good counsels from the trustee Utinger, and the canons Erasmus Schmied, Walder, Bachofen and some others perhaps, who at the very first extended to him the hand of friends.h.i.+p. His beginning will appear more difficult when we consider, that they acted by authority, and whoever, supported by it, ventured to come out into more decided opposition against him, could be certain of a strong support. That he therefore had to look for cold respect, but no hearty co-operation from one portion of the circle of his ministerial a.s.sociates, and secret dislike, yea, even burning hatred from another, might be inferred from the nature of the human pa.s.sions and the circ.u.mstances of the case.
In this way, his position had already become suspicious to the higher, and much more to the lower clergy, on account of their general dislike.
The reputation, which had preceded him, made the race of monks tremble, for by their degeneracy, they had fallen into deserved contempt with the ma.s.s of the people. Still, distinguished patrons, and adherents in public and private remained true to him. Zwingli could not at least expect skillful opponents from this quarter. Their gross ignorance left them at his mercy. But just in the very consciousness of his superiority lay a temptation, so much the stronger to rash and premature action, and by this the Reformer was threatened with the greatest danger. Thus affairs stood in Zurich, when Zwingli began to teach. He arrived there on the 27 December, 1518, and immediately presented himself to the convent of the canons. Here he was made acquainted with the duties of his office. Of the fourteen articles of direction, the two shortest were those relating to the pulpit. Twice in a year he had to read aloud longer pa.s.sages from the Gospels, to preach on Sundays, to announce the festivals, and to notify the chapter of the so-called anniversaries, or to see that it was done by one of his two a.s.sistants. The other articles treated of his presence in the choir, obedience, style of dress, the reading of the ma.s.s, baptism, simony (the selling of benefices or obtaining them by fraud), but especially the care of the revenues of the chapter. All his duties were detailed therein with the greatest precision and minuteness. An article was afterwards added, which made it the duty of the people's priest not to leave the city during seasons of pestilence.
At this meeting Zwingli declared that he regarded preaching as his chief business. First of all, the people must be taught to understand the Holy Scriptures. So it had been in ancient times. But now nothing was heard, except solitary extracts, and even these in a foreign language. He did not pa.s.s by the remark, that the church thus orders it, but appealed on the contrary to its oldest statutes, and proved clearly the modern origin and ruinous consequences of the change.
What he had told the canons, he made known to the congregation on the first of January, 1519, and on Sunday the second, began to expound the Gospel of Matthew. It is easy to imagine, that, when he first came out in this unwonted manner, a large number of hearers would be collected to-gether; but to retain them, demanded an inward call, combined with a vast range of knowledge. The applause, which he drew forth, continually increased, for he knew how to attract both the high and the low. His sermons were life-pictures; and this gave them their charm, their power, their practical effect. The doctrine of Christ, designed for all nations and all ages, is so simple, and can be traced back to such a few principles, that by a mere repet.i.tion, paraphrase, or exclusive explanation of these only, the most dexterous orator, obliged to appear so often, must become dull and cold; but infinitely rich, and ever new, is life surveyed in the light of this same doctrine. The appearance of Zwingli, not only every week, but almost every day, was, for this reason, always welcome. Now, when the occasion called for it, there were representations of the fate of Jesus and of the apostles; and then again, narratives or pictures from Christian or Jewish, and sometimes even heathen history, events of the day, and praise or blame, which, without fear of offence, he wove into his discourses. "Take it not to yourself, O pious man!" he was accustomed to say. Indeed this mode of preaching raised an excitement nearly like the press in our times. Yet one difference between the old and the new teachers of the people is not to be overlooked. The former employed throughout the rule of the Gospel, and was concerned for the advancement of religious truth and not mere party views.
In proportion, meanwhile, as his knowledge of the people of Zurich and their circ.u.mstances increased, his sermons became more direct and pointed. If any one found fault with them, and it came to the ears of the preacher, he might be sure of an answer at the first opportunity.
He did not hesitate to speak of them by name, and sometimes gave free play to his wit. Whatever was done, in convent-walls, bar-rooms, and even in the hall of the council, contrary to truth, reason and sound morals, was exposed without mercy from the pulpit. Just then, 1519, the throne of the German Empire became vacant by the death of Maximilian I.
Intrigues in regard to the choice of a successor kept the diet a.s.sembled in Zurich, in constant employment. Envoys were repeatedly sent to Italy in the service of the Pope; France attempted once more to bring about a closer alliance, and towards the north, in spite of all the dissuasion of the allied powers, whole troops of deserters streamed to the banner of Duke Ulric of Wirtemberg, who, driven from his own capital, was engaged in war against the Swabian League. Amid these circ.u.mstances Zwingli took occasion to speak sometimes a word from the pulpit concerning politics. In this, the Gospel gave him less countenance, than the example of those Jewish prophets, who formerly made bold to bring the rule of kings under their examination, warning, or censure. But the times were no longer the same, and such a transgression of the bounds marked out by prudence, might well awaken concern in the bosoms of individual statesmen, who were not deserving of reproach.
And yet amid all, he still gained firmer footing in Zurich. Every man of unbiased feeling was obliged to confess, that he was inspired by religion, and had the welfare of the state as well as the church truly at heart. Moreover, it could not escape any one, familiar with history, that only the most decided measures can eradicate deep-seated corruption. The universal abhorrence of the traffic of indulgences came to his aid. The miserable Samson, after filling his pockets at Bern, had ventured to approach Zurich. Both the spiritual and secular authorities approved of the attacks, which Zwingli made against him. He was prevented from riding into the city. Even the Diet, to which he appealed, would have nothing to do with him, and went so far as to give Felix Grebel, who was setting out for Rome, a commission to lay complaints of him before the Pope. Immediately the monk received evidence of Leo's displeasure. "The thirteen cantons of the Confederacy"--was written to him--"have complained to His Holiness, that, in the promulgation of indulgences, you have fallen into errors, which it were out of place here to enumerate. The Holy Father is much astonished at this, and has given orders, to enjoin upon you in his name, to be subject in all things to the will of the aforesaid lords of the Confederacy. You shall remain there, for the execution of your commission, if they demand it, but in no way oppose them, if they desire you to return to Italy; for it is the will of the Holy Father, that you be entirely obedient to these lords, his well-beloved sons, in all things that can contribute to the welfare of their souls. You will also show this letter to them."
There was great rejoicing over this conclusion of the matter, especially on the part of the General-vicar of the Bishop of Constance, Faber, who had formerly been Zwingli's fellow-student in Vienna, and had since then kept up a certain intimacy with him. Indeed at Zwingli's first bold debut the general-vicar seemed to wish it still closer.
"Why"--wrote he to him--"do you make so careful and sparing a use of my friends.h.i.+p? Why do you seem to mistrust me? Do not doubt! Begun under favorable auspices, it will last forever." Still later he invited him to his house, communicated his plans to him, asked his judgment concerning books, and proclaimed aloud his praise, especially where he knew that it would reach Zwingli's ears. But the Reformer looked deeper. Modesty was a prominent trait in his character from youth upwards. In the one appeared the love of the world, the struggle to elevate himself by any means in his power, the vain fancy that he could hood-wink others by the a.s.sumption of a mask; in the other, a strong love for truth. Nevertheless, Zwingli wished to avoid a breach with his former friend; and now, especially, when he and the bishop seemed not unwilling to favor further reforms. In reference to this he thus expresses himself in the letter to Valentine Compar already quoted from: "I have sent humble and dutiful letters to the Bishop of Constance, and pointed out to him publicly and privately and in every way, how he ought to apply himself to spreading abroad the light of the Gospel; and that it would redound to the honor of the whole race of Landenberg, if he were the first bishop, who would cause the Gospel to be freely preached; but I do not know how the weather has changed.
They, who were so prompt before, have given me no answer, either by mouth, or pen, except, what they have done in general. But this was unlike the former, because (in consequence of it) the vicar let me understand orally and by writing, the Bishop would not endure too much urging from the Pope."
Amid such signs of a storm gathering on all sides, the plague broke out in Zurich towards the close of the summer of 1519. Spreading in almost all the neighboring countries, it reached Switzerland from the east, and penetrated into the secluded vallies of the mountains. Zwingli received the news of its near approach in a bath at Pfeffers, and, mindful of his duty as people's priest, immediately hurried back to Zurich. Seeing the peculiar danger, he sent several young men, who were living in his house, particularly his young brother Andrew, to their homes; but he himself unterrified began to discharge the duties of his office. The result, that was foreseen, followed. He also was laid upon a bed of sickness.
Not for harmony of rhythm, but for the deep inward feeling, which they manifest, the verses composed by him, after he had become convalescent, in two different periods of sickness, are truly remarkable. They show us the sources of his faith and activity, and a character, which even in view of what appeared to be his last hour, remained true to itself.
An admirer of Zwingli in modern times, still keeping faithfully to the thoughts, has altered the language to that of our century, and in this form they may also be admitted here.[1]
The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 2
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The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 2 summary
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