The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 7
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Thus, Zwingli's labors in Zurich began to stir up base elements, along with what were truly n.o.ble and pure. People, who were lacking in means to rise, and often justly low in public esteem, now called out likewise for change, so that their old incapacity, or their old sins, might be forgotten. The deeper the agitation, the more they hoped to gain. Then already Grebel was numbered among them; the better spirit had wholly forsaken him. Others of a like stamp cl.u.s.tered around him. To stand with Zwingli they would have needed purer morals, more labor of the mind, and above all self-denial. This would not do for them. They must outstrip him therefore, in order to gain their end the more quickly.
It has already been remarked, that the first traces of their disturbing influence appeared at the close of the disputation. Lame, frivolous were the questions about mere externals in the administration of the Supper, the form of the bread, the kind, as how it ought to be brought to the mouth, the time of taking it which Grebel started--difficulties that he would find everywhere; then, supported chiefly by Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hngg, he impugned the right of the government to issue ordinances; all evidently designed to produce an excitement, to rouse the spirit of sect, to make himself a party. With generous forbearance Zwingli answered him, but here again Conrad Schmied spoke out against fanaticism and a rage for destruction. He brought the insurgents to silence, and then proceeded to deliver an ample discourse on the need of better instruction, which met with general approbation.
His spiritual superiors had hitherto refused, for good reasons, to inform the people. "The more need"--continued he--"is there, that you, dear Sirs, should take the work boldly in hand. For money, you have helped many an earthly prince to his land and his subjects, help then, for G.o.d's sake, Christ our Lord to his dominion and honour."
No one opposed this. Then Zwingli spoke one more, begging all to hold firm to the Gospel, and never to despond as long as they leaned upon it. "What is done from the best motives will be misrepresented by falsehood and slander. Thus it had been said here and there yesterday evening that we would now degrade the body and blood of Christ into sleeping-cups. No!"--cried he--"no one certainly wishes to do this."
Tears interrupted his speech and many other were heard to weep. "If G.o.d will"--said Leo Judae--"we will all stand by the Gospel, and cheerfully will I, if need be, lay down my life for it. They may kill the body, but the soul they can not kill. The Scripture ought never to be used for quarrelling, or display, but for the improvement of our lives, and if perchance I have spoken too harshly to any one, during the present Conference, I ask his forgiveness." Zwingli did the same. The presidents now laid down their office with a pet.i.tion for Hottinger and the other prisoners, in which the Abbott of Cappel, the Commander of Kuessnacht and the Provost of the Great Minster joined.
The issue of this Conference formed a new epoch for Zurich. The government prudently resolved to do nothing rashly, to change nothing suddenly. Even images and relics should not be taken from the churches for a while, yet, where it was possible, covered, locked up, but in no case injured. He, who wished to read ma.s.s, or to a.s.sist in the reading, was permitted once more to do so. The rules of fasting also were to be observed; but the Great Council had already put forth the declaration, that in spiritual affairs it would henceforth be the court of decision with the advice of the people's priest, or _bishops_, as it styled the pastors of the congregations in a public doc.u.ment.[14] Hottinger, on account of his rash conduct, was banished from the canton for two years, and Lorenz Hochruetiner, who with foolish obstinacy had repeated the act, for life. Several a.s.sociates of these "Idol Stormers" had to lay down considerable sums as bail for their peaceful behavior. Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hngg, whose name occurs above, was obliged to leave the country, till permission for his return could be granted, "on account of his rough sermons, speeches and other things he had done."[15]
The most pressing want, just then, was the instruction of the ignorant _priests of the people_. Hence, by order of the government, Zwingli prepared a small book, under the t.i.tle of "Christian Introduction," in which the chief articles of evangelical doctrine, and founded on these, a decision against the former dogmas and practices of the Church were brought together in the plainest possible language. This was placed in the hands of all the preachers in the canton, with the summons to adhere to this pattern in their discourses. At the same time it was sent to the governments of the collective states, to the bishops of the Confederacy and to the University of Basel, with the request that it might be tested and refuted, if it contained any points at war with the Gospel. The government, it is to be observed, had made up its mind to wait a full half year for refutations, and then, if nothing arrived, to proceed to the removal of abuses, and the introduction of a new church-order.
The reformation of the state kept pace continually with that of the church. No one was more thoroughly convinced than Zwingli, that the civil was the result of the religious corruption, and _vice versa_.
Soon after the end of the Conference he again delivered a vehement discourse against the mischief of pensions, traces of this evil being still apparent and it required no great penetration to perceive, that it stood in connection with the spirit of fanaticism, which began to show itself toward the close of the disputation. After this discourse, on the 21st of December, 1523, the burgomaster and the councils took an oath against all pensions; on the day before, the entire priesthood had done the same. Transgressors were threatened with capital punishment.
Meanwhile the Bishop of Constance had sent a very detailed report on the Introduction, to the Council of Zurich, with the notice, that in drawing it up he had availed himself of the advice of several universities. A committee, consisting of nine of the most learned clergy, four members of the Small and four of the Great Council, were ordered to give it a careful examination, and on their motion the whole of it was read aloud in the a.s.sembly. As Bullinger informs us, "all agreed, that there was little ground for it in the Divine Word."
A similar judgment was pa.s.sed by another committee, appointed to examine the objections raised against Zwingli, during the present Conference, by the canon Hofmann and several members of the Chapter.
The opinions of the Confederates were yet to be looked for. But they had trouble, to come to an understanding among themselves. True indeed, it was determined to turn a common front against Zurich for her remarkable innovations; but as to what should be said, the instructions are very dissimilar. "Let us act in a friendly way," wrote the burgomaster of Schaffhausen and such was the order from Bern, Glarus, Basel, Solothurn and Appenzell; but Luzern, Zug, Freiburg and the three Forest Cantons were in favor of "remaining true to the old faith and telling Zurich very plainly what ought to be told to her." At last they agreed to complain against several particular articles, to lay which before the Great Council deputies appeared in Zurich on the 21st of March, 1524. The deputy of Schaffhausen, not being authorized to make special complaint, withdrew from the others, who then made a report, of which the following is the substance: With pain, we see the increase of the new, unchristian Lutheran religion in the Confederacy; with pain, that Zurich abets the mischief. It is clear as day, that disorders only spring from it. Hence, the _landvogt_ of Baden has been hindered from throwing several criminals into prison, at Weiningen, where the supreme court of the duchy sits; at a fire there the peasants laid hold of sword and spear instead of water-buckets; at Stammheim they insulted the crucifix and images; at Elggau, a pious clergyman, who remonstrated with the pastor, was obliged to flee the church and the parish; at Kuessnacht the t.i.the has been refused to the Cloister of Engelberg, and at Waedenschweil the steward of the Knights of St. John has been abused.
The _landvogt_ of Zurich circulates Lutheran books in the free bailiwicks; a parson has said at Rifferschweil that it is all one to baptize a man or a block of wood; the priests take wives, and the monks and nuns abandon the convents. No longer can this be borne, and we pray Zurich to maintain the old treaties and customs, and then we will cheerfully aid in rooting out real abuses, the shameful trade in benefices, the selling of indulgences and the scandalous lives of the clergy.
Things important and unimportant, true and false, were mingled in this report. A written answer was required. In this it was easy to show, that to give information in regard to the scenes at Weiningen belonged altogether to the lower courts at that place; that the affair at Stammheim was disapproved of, would be looked into and corrected; that the priest, who had interrupted the pastor at Elggau in an insulting manner, whilst preaching would be indebted to their protection for a safe return to his home; that Kuessnacht had not refused the t.i.the to Engelberg, and that the pastor at Rafferschweil had not said that of which he had been accused. But, in order to justify herself on other points, it was necessary to enter more deeply into the views of faith prevalent at Zurich, which was not to be done by a diplomatic communication through the Secretary of State, but by Zwingli himself, publicly. This disposed the deputies of the confederates, who on other accounts were displeased with the Reformer, to an unfavorable reception of the answer. "That Zurich," so it was said in the Recess at Luzern on the 1st of April, 1524, "sent in a discourse and sermon from G.o.d's Word, is not necessary to mention here."
The last word of Zurich to the Bishop of Constance met with as little favor. From all sides reports of an unfriendly character came to the ears of the government; yea, it began to be rumored, that some of the states seriously thought of giving back their written treaties to the Zurichers.
From whom had the government now to seek its most powerful protection?
Only from G.o.d and its own people.
To learn whether they could be relied on, information was sought through their _vogts_ and civil officers. "Faithful and beloved friends"--so runs the paper, which was sent out to be read publicly--"you know how we have held conferences in our canton for the settlement of the dispute. The truth has been revealed, and we would have had a perfect right to do away all abuses immediately. Still we did not wish to hurry, and afforded opportunities on all sides to show us what was better. Our gracious Lord, the Bishop of Constance, has tried to prove, in a book written by his own hand, that we are guilty, that we ought to adhere to images and esteem the ma.s.s a sacrifice, as. .h.i.therto. We have examined it, compared it with Holy Scripture, and have only been able to find that we ought to obey G.o.d rather than man.
Our brethren of the Confederacy have sent their deputies to lay such complaints before us. Accept the answer which we sent them.[16] After this, we heard that they in Luzern gave out, that they would put down this 'piece of work,' as they call it. We have asked them, _where_ they intend doing this. They have answered, just where it suits them. Again it reached our ears, that we were grossly slandered, as to city and canton, in Luzern. We sent two of our councilors. .h.i.ther with the request, that they would allow them to vindicate us before the people.
It was not granted. Still they appeared before the Great Council, and desired that such calumniators might be brought against them. We inform you of all this, in the hope that you will be of like mind with us in this Christian business. Remember, how many good, honest men, we, by the use of G.o.d's Word in these times of war, have kept alive and spared for their wives and children. Heretofore, you have acted faithfully in this and other matters, like pious people. How much more should we, in that which concerns the honor of G.o.d, the salvation of our souls and our consciences, keep together, use the Divine Word, and be one in protecting and defending ourselves. If this happen, then G.o.d is with us, whom no one on earth or in h.e.l.l can withstand. Therefore take friendly counsel together, and let us know your resolutions."
Now again, all the answers agree in substance. There was not _one_, in which the determination to uphold evangelical liberty was not expressed in strong language. "We testify"--wrote Winterthur--"and have resolved, as far as in us lies, to be eternally loyal to our gracious Lords of Zurich, according to our oath, and place at their disposal our honor, our bodies, our goods and our lives, and are willing to defend the same by the Holy Word of G.o.d;" but it seemed also to be the general wish to remain in alliance with the Confederates, and, if it were possible, in peace. Thus the people of Waedenschweil and Richterschweil gave notice, that they would be neighbors with them at Hfen and Zugerberg, who had always dealt with them in friends.h.i.+p and love, as they also did with them as far as possible. Thalweil also prayed that war would not be begun for the sake of one or two, be they clergy or laymen. For the rest they were pleased with the just commands of the Lords and all, which they heretofore had so excellently managed, for they had always acted like wise men. Not in the ill-will of the Confederates, but in their instigation from Zurich, the reasons of the discord were to be sought--in their instigation by a minority still present in the Council, who were opposed to the Gospel and addicted to taking pensions, at least secretly, by perverse clergymen, by the people of the convents, by unwearied letter-writers and forgers of lies.
"There is talk"--says a memorial from Wiedikon, Albisrieden and Altstaetten--"that all the opposition only comes from our own midst, and therefore we desire that such base-intentioned persons be looked after, be they in the Council or elsewhere, and be compelled to keep still and quiet and cease their contrariety. So will we ever pledge to the n.o.ble city of Zurich life, honor and fortune. We beg our Lords only to hold bravely to their mandates and the Word of G.o.d, and we will faithfully aid them in using and protecting the same." In like manner the congregations of Neuamt write: "We have reason to know, that You, our Lords and Superiors, are not one in the Small and Great Councils, but are divided in this business, which is a great trouble to us. Therefore we earnestly pray you to put away all such discord and be united, so will we also pledge our persons and our property to G.o.d's Word and our Lords."--"Nothing is kept secret"--wrote Buelach--"in Your Small and Great Council, but everything is continually published through the whole Confederacy, and this grieves us. We pray you therefore to make diligent inquiry and expel the babblers, and drive off them who are opposed to G.o.d's Word; then it should be cared for that the entire country should not be disturbed by them." Eglisau asked for the same thing with the addition: "If you, dear Lords, are not strong enough to punish such people, we will help you with our persons and our property." That from Ruemlang carries the same sense: "Further, it is our wish and advice, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, will look after the adversaries of G.o.d's Word, both those who sit in your Council and those who are of the clergy, be they priests or monks, and expel them from the city and canton, for it is certain that the greatest displeasure of the Confederates has sprung from this source; and if You, as our Lords and Superiors, are not strong enough for them, we will stand by you with our persons and our property, for such things can be endured no longer." With a hankering side-glance at the fat possessions of the monasteries, they of the Four Wards wrote: "We have received the friendly and gracious communication of our Lords with great thanks, and wish to be among those who pledge person, soul, honor and property to the Word of G.o.d and their Lords and Superiors, especially to those who mean well, and not to the base, who strive against G.o.d's Word. For the rest, it is our wish, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, would punish and drive away those wicked ones, who fight against G.o.d's Word, be they in the Council, in the city, or in the canton, be they clergymen or laymen, for it is certain, that the displeasure of our Confederates has, for the most part, arisen from this quarter by their letter-writing and other rebellious acts; and if you are not strong enough to punish or drive them away, we will aid you with our persons and our property to drive them off. In the third place, be it our will and opinion, that you will take care of and drive away by the help of G.o.d's Word, all the soup-eaters, who crowd together, as is well known, in the monasteries; for if this be not done, we will see if we also cannot some day obtain such eating and drinking." And still more fully Ries.p.a.ch and Hirslanden: "It is also our earnest opinion, whereas numerous and manifold speeches and lies have hitherto been written and sent off by the clergy and laymen to the confederates generally and particular cantons and cities, and have been little inquired into as yet, by which great injury and loss of reputation may fall upon the city of Zurich and its territory, since when our people go from home, be it to Luzern, Zug, Baden or other parts, then they all say: Such reports came from Zurich;--therefore we wish this business to be better looked into; and if the Gospel is to be protected, such persons ought to be punished according to their deserts. We also pray our Lords, that, where there are ill-minded priests, who will not obey their statutes and always speak and act against the Gospel, G.o.d's Word, all such be thrust from their livings and the churches supplied with good pastors; for it strikes us that otherwise we can never hope for peace. Further, we pray our Lords to sequester the property of the monasteries and the canons, so that it may go to the aid of the poor, who everywhere sit before our churches; so that the Confederates and other strangers may not say: 'If they are such good Christians in Zurich, why do so many poor people sit before all the churches?' Hence we think that the t.i.thes, which we raise, more justly belong to the poor than to nonsensical priests, who write here and there behind the back of the government. Hence it is our urgent prayer to our gracious Lords of Zurich, that they deliberate on the above-cited points, and if then it seems better to their wisdom to do so than to leave it alone, we all and each one in particular will pledge his soul, honor, body and goods to the city of Zurich, and esteem you, our dear Lords, as true fathers, as we hope you will find us good, willing, dutiful and submissive children, even unto death."
The tenor of these answers was sufficient to show the government, that, even if it wished, it could no longer delay the progress of the reformation, and that only by action, just as decided as cautious, would it be possible to prevent an outbreak of the flame, which already appeared in scattered sparks.
Hence an ordinance of the Council was pa.s.sed for the removal of the images in the most quiet way, with forbearance and care. Whoever had presented any to the churches, or had caused them to be made at his own cost, could take them home without molestation. If the majority in a congregation were opposed to their removal, then it was commanded to wait till they were better informed. All processions were forbidden, even the pilgrimage to Einsiedeln, in memory of the victory at Taettweil. The latter, celebrated by a dangerous mingling of both s.e.xes in a march of several days and in the monastery, was discontinued accordingly, and this was regarded as an act of hostility. But why should public thanks to the Supreme Disposer of battles, why should joyful remembrance of the bravery of their father's cease?
The reform of the clerical foundations and monastic life was very thorough. Mention has already been made of that in the Chapter of Canons at the Great Minster. Now, it also voluntarily surrendered its secular jurisdiction to the government, but guarded itself on the other hand against the delivery of its rich church-ornaments, which were likewise demanded by the Council and at length taken. Their value went to cover a part of the expenses of the Canton, which were greatly increased by the commotions of the age. At the same time Catherine von Zimmern, abbess of _Frauminster_, gave up to the burgomaster and councils, under the a.s.surance that she and the sisters would receive an adequate support, the convent along with its rights and revenues. The Chapter of Canons at Embrach, the Cistercians at Cappel and the Augustinians at Heiligenberg, near Winterthur, asked of their own accord for a suppression or, a re-organization for a more useful end.
The remaining cloisters were taken under the care of the government.
Toward the Dominicans of the city the greatest severity had to be shown. They held the richest possessions; and yet, like the Franciscans, were pledged to poverty by the rules of their order. "On Sat.u.r.day, Dec. 3d, 1524,"--Felix Weiss narrates--"the burgomaster and the councils ordained, that the three men of the monasteries, namely, the Dominicans, the Augustinians and the Franciscans, should be united, and the younger portion of them taught trades. If any did not wish to remain, to these a viatic.u.m was to be given; and to all who desired to remain in the monastery a comfortable support for life and permission to die a peaceful death. Thus, on the Sat.u.r.day aforesaid, in the afternoon, without notice or warning, the three chief officers and other members of the council, accompanied by the police of the city, led the Dominicans all at once to the Franciscans; and directly after that they went to the Augustinians and summoned them all. They were obliged to lay down their keys of office in presence of my lords on a table in the convent-parlor. After a long speech and friendly words, they again led them over the upper bridge to the barefooted friars; and thus the rulers of the city, of the Small and Great Councils, honestly disposed of the people in all the monasteries. Soon after, their portion was a.s.signed them, so that those who were willing to stay in the monastery of the Franciscans, would receive lodging and shelter there and wood enough; besides, to each one 6 shocks of grain, 6 buckets of wine and 32 pounds _Haller_ were promised every year."
Out of the ordinary revenues of the government, aided by the property of the suppressed monasteries, schools were founded, an alms-house, a lazaretto for the plague-stricken, and an orphan-asylum. The hospital was enlarged, and suitable salaries awarded to its spiritual and lay attendants. Scholastic education was greatly needed, and where qualified teachers could not be obtained from the city, they were called from abroad. Thus Myconius was brought back to Zurich. Rudolph Collin followed him from Luzern. Wiesendanger came from the village of Dynhart, after him Pellikan from Alsace; all in order to teach the ancient languages.
Zwingli now resolved to marry, and on the 2d of April, 1524, led Anna Reinhart,[17] in whom he found the guardian angel of his earthly existence, before the altar, to take the pledge of fidelity in the presence of G.o.d and the congregation. Henceforth the priests wished to be, above all, Christians; but to all Christians without exception, the call has been made according to the language of the Apostle, to become priests by inward consecration, priests without love of power and without the spirit of caste.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THIRD:
Footnote 1: A French province, according to the prevailing opinion in former times, a strong hold of sectarianism, of heresy so-called.
Footnote 2: All three were then known for their decided adherence to the old church-order.
Footnote 3: In Erfurt Luther had studied. At Wittemberg he taught.
Footnote 4: A writer of that ago says of him, using indeed colors somewhat dark: "We ought rather to call Faber a cruel judge than a doctor or bishop. Throughout all Germany and the neighboring countries his severity is known. Scarcely a hangman in our fatherland has executed so many as have been condemned by the unrighteous sentences of Faber." And at the close, in a simple narrative of Hans Huglin of Lindau, who was burnt as a heretic, we read: "While the poor miserable man was compelled to groan thus (he had been on the rack), the Vicary sat there and laughed. When the poor man saw this, he said: O, dear Sir, why do you laugh at me; I am but an abandoned creature, who am not worth laughing at. Laugh over yourself, and G.o.d forgive you; you know not what you do. At which words the Vicary, who looked at him still more wickedly, was ashamed to laugh and grew very red; since which all the world has pitied the poor man."
Footnote 5: Printed entire under the t.i.tle of "_Uslegen und Grand der Schlussreden_," in the first volume of Zwingli's works, edited by Schuler and Schultheiss.
Footnote 6: Explanation of the Final Discourses, viz, the 26, 27, 33, 64th, et cet.
Footnote 7: He, who is acquainted with history in its sources, knows that this a.s.sertion of Zwingli is by no means maliciously s.n.a.t.c.hed from the air. It cannot indeed be charged against all convent-property; but, to ill.u.s.trate the mode, in which a part at least of such acquisitions were obtained during the Middle Ages, I will insert here a doc.u.ment, which was preserved in their archives by our forefathers of Zurich, _expressly for the information of posterity_, and which, drawn up on parchment and furnished with the seal of State, is still extant. The monasteries had plainly fallen off from their original severe rules.
For the better understanding of it, the orthography and punctuation only are brought nearer to modern style.
"To all, who see this letter or hear it read, we, the Council of Zurich, whose name are written after, make known, that we saw the letter of the burghers of Stra.s.sburg, entire, true, and sealed with their public seal, as stands hereafter written. And that we and our successors after us, if a similar case arise in our midst, may be able to judge the more correctly, we have, with the leave of our burghers, willingly, publicly and unanimously written this letter from the heart, and publicly sealed it with our burghers' great seal, _for a perpetual and eternal record_.
"To the honorable, the wise and the discreet, the Council and burghers generally of Basel, of Colmar, of Schlettstadt, of Rheinau, of Naffach, and after them, all those cities where this letter appears, Nicholas the younger Zorn, mayor of the city, and the burghers of Stra.s.sburg generally offer their free service with entire friends.h.i.+p. Many things are done honorably and justly, which in foreign countries are perverted, because their origin is not rightly understood. Hence we humbly pray you to receive our address with favor and sympathize with us, because they have troubled us, for whom we have done very much indeed. Your Wors.h.i.+ps, the barefooted friars and the preachers (Dominican monks) had fallen into the practice of taking legacies in the world outside of the monasteries, and when a rich man, or a rich lady, lay on a deathbed, then they ran thither and persuaded him to give all his property to them, and thus all his heirs were disinherited and ruined. Then the latter came before us crying and complaining that they had been disinherited. Many such complaints came before us. The monks sold also their own property, on condition that it should revert to them again on the death of the buyer. _This made us think that our city would in a short time become entirely theirs._ They received also into their order the children of rich people, without the consent and knowledge of their friends, in order to get their property. At this also we have been greatly troubled and many complaints against them have been brought before us. When this had continued for a long, long time, and we could bear no longer the manifold complaints of the burghers; then we went to the preachers and begged them to conduct themselves so, that such complaints would no more reach us from our citizens. Then they spake and promised us that what papers the barefooted friars (Franciscans) would give us, not to do it any more, they also would give us. We went to the barefooted friars and laid this matter before them. They answered thus: What Your Wors.h.i.+ps require us to promise you, that we are directed by the rules of our order not to do; even if you had never issued a command, yet had we been forbidden not to do it. Then spake we: Make us such a paper on it as seems good to you, that it may stand as a pledge between us. They drew up the paper as we send you the copy word for word. Then we came to the preachers (Dominicans) with the paper and they bade us give them a copy. After that their provincial came, and they did as he told them, and abused us for this thing beyond measure, four years in succession.
But at last, a complaint was lodged against them for taking the estate of a lady from the lawful heirs; therefore we begged them again to give us a paper like that of the barefooted friars, as they had promised to do. Then they said proudly, that rather than do it they would let their heads be chopped off with axes. This made us unwilling to have them as clergymen, since they would not keep their promises. And when we began to build on the commons of our city before their gates, they ran to our women and beat our servants with clubs and shovels till one was killed.
At which we became the more wroth and would have torn their gate from its hinges. This have we written to you and pray, since we need your counsel and favor in this matter, that you will act a friendly part, because we lean on you and would do the same for you in an hour of like need. We also pray you, if we get judges in this affair, who are allied to you, that you will influence them toward us, so that they will be favorable to our rights, just as we would do for you in the same strait."
The names of he Council (at Zurich, as above) are Burkard von Hottingen, Rudolph von Beggenhoven, Chuon von Tuebelnstein, Henry Vinko and Jacob from the Mezie, knights, Ruodolf der Muelner, Ruodolf der Kriek, Ulric der Truebor, Peter Wolfleibsche, Ulric im Gewelbe, Henry Stoeri and John Pilgrin Burger. This paper was transcribed in the twelve-hundred and eighty-seventh year, from G.o.d's birth on the Monday after Saint Urban's day, when the indication was the XVth.
Footnote 8: Or in other words: Without religion the state succ.u.mbs to materialism. But the prevalence of materialism is least consistent with the welfare of a republic. The freest state _ought_ to be the most religious: the most religious only _durst_ be the most free.
Footnote 9: The a.s.sailed could indeed appeal, at least for a partial justification of their love of the chase, to an article of their statutes, revised in the year 1346, according to which and others, a horse, a hound, and a falcon or sparrow-hawk, for hunting, had to be presented to the chaplain of the foundation, who ministered at the annual festival in the church of Zollikon.
Footnote 10: Satisfactory explanations of them are given by _Wirz_ in his Swiss Church History, continued by _Kirchhofer_, Vol. V. p. 139.
Footnote 11: In St. Gall, for instance, forty wagon-loads of the ruins of wood en images were carried to the swamps and burnt there. "Every body fell upon the idols. We tore them from the altar, the walls and the pillars. The altars were beaten down, the idols split to pieces with axes, or smashed by hammers. You would have thought it a field of battle. What a noise! what a breaking! what an echoing in the lofty ceiling!" _Kessler_.
Footnote 12: _For scientific readers_: Neither mysticism and pietism, nor dogmatism alone are able to sustain the Protestant churches.
Mysticism and pietism yield to more consistent Catholicism; dogmatism, without symbolical books, which lose their authority where the press is free, succ.u.mbs to philosophy. The simple _eternal_ dogma of Christ stands: _By its fruit shall ye know the tree._ The time will yet come, when all who practically reverence this dogma, will form the one, universal church, and all others, be they marked with the cross or protests against it, the no-church. For this no revolution is needed, not even much change in forms. _It will come from within._
Footnote 13: Why? will be seen hereafter.
Footnote 14: In the "Advice concerning Images and the Ma.s.s."
Footnote 15: The contradictions in the character and behavior of this man, who was rather eccentric than morally corrupt, are well depicted in _Kirchofer's_ Continuation of _Wirz's_ Church History, Part II. p.
222.
Footnote 16: It was publicly read.
Footnote 17: She was the widow of Hans Meier of Knonau, who died in 1520, and had a son by him, named Gerold, whom Zwingli loved like a father and to whom he dedicated a work on the education of youth.
Little is known of her during her marriage with Zwingli. But a single short letter is extant, written by her husband from Bern, in which he asks her to send a cap-pattern to one of her relations there. Solomon Hess in his Biography thinks that Zwingli read his writings aloud to her. The author begs leave to doubt this, indeed rather to believe, that he would have heartily laughed, if the learned stuff was tedious to her. Mind and heart she certainly had, and he talked with her not merely about kitchen and cellar; but she probably studied him more in his actions, than in his works.
The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 7
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The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli Part 7 summary
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