Byron: The Last Phase Part 7

'We perceived from these lines,' says Gamba, 'as well as from his daily conversations, that his ambition and his hope were irrevocably fixed upon the glorious objects of his expedition to Greece, and that he had made up his mind to "return victorious, or return no more."

Indeed, he often said to me, "Others may do as they please--they may go--but I stay here, _that is certain_."'

This resolution was accompanied with the natural presentiment that he should never leave Greece alive. He one day asked his faithful servant t.i.ta whether he thought of returning to Italy. 'Yes,' said t.i.ta; 'if your lords.h.i.+p goes, I go.' Lord Byron smiled, and said: 'No, t.i.ta, I shall never go back from Greece; either the Turks, or the Greeks, or the climate, will prevent that.'

Parry tells us that Byron's mind on this point was irrevocably fixed.

'My future intentions,' he said, 'may be explained in a few words. I will remain here in Greece till she is secure against the Turks, or till she has fallen under her power. All my income shall be spent in her service; but, unless driven by some great necessity, I will not touch a farthing of the sum intended for my sister's children.

Whatever I can accomplish with my income, and my personal exertions, shall be cheerfully done. When Greece is secure against external enemies, I will leave the Greeks to settle their government as they like. One service more, and an eminent service it will be, I think I may perform for them. You shall have a schooner built for me, or I will buy a vessel; the Greeks shall invest me with the character of their Amba.s.sador or agent; I will go to the United States, and procure that free and enlightened Government, to set the example of recognizing the Federation of Greece, as an independent State. This done, England must follow the example, and then the fate of Greece will be permanently fixed, and she will enter into all her rights, as a member of the great commonwealth of Christian Europe....

'The cause of Greece naturally excites our sympathy. Her people are Christians contending against Turks, and slaves struggling to be free.

There never was a cause which had such strong claims on the sympathy of the people of Europe, and particularly of the people of England.'[16]

The following extract from a letter written by Mr. George Finlay in June, 1824, seems worthy of production in this place:

'I arrived at Missolonghi at the latter end of February. During my stay there, in the forenoon I rode out with Lord Byron; and generally Mr. Fowke and myself spent the evenings in his room.

'In our rides, the state of Greece was the usual subject of our conversation; and at times he expressed a strong wish to revisit Athens. I mentioned the great cheapness of property in Attica, and the possibility of my purchasing some of the villas near the city. He said that, if I could find any eligible property, he would have no objections to purchase likewise, as he wished to have some real property in Greece; and he authorized me to treat for him. I always urged him to make Corinth his headquarters. Sometimes he appeared inclined to do so, and remarked, that it would be a strange coincidence if, after writing an unsuccessful defence of Corinth, he should himself make a successful one. An event so fortunate, I said, would leave him no more to ask from fortune, and reminded him how very much of fame depends on mere accident. Caesar's conquests and his works would not have raised his fame so high, but for the manner of his death.

'In the evenings Lord Byron was generally extremely communicative, and talked much of his youthful scenes at Cambridge, Brighton, and London; spoke very often of his friends, Mr. Hobhouse and Mr. Scrope B.

Davies--told many anecdotes of himself which are well known, and many which were amusing from his narration, but which would lose their interest from another; but what astonished me the most was the ease with which he spoke of all those reports which were spread by his enemies--he gave his denials and explanations with the frankness of an unconcerned person.

'I often spoke to him about Newstead Abbey, which I had visited in 1821, a few months before leaving England. On informing him of the repairs and improvements which were then going on, he said, if he had been rich enough, he should have liked to have kept it as the old abbey; but he enjoyed the excellent bargain he had made at the sale. A solicitor sent him a very long bill, and, on his grumbling at the amount, he said he was silenced by a letter, reminding him that he had received 20,000 forfeit-money from the first purchaser. I mentioned the picture of his bear in the cottage near the lodge--the Newfoundland dog and the verses on its tomb. He said, Newfoundland dogs had twice saved his life, and that he could not live without one.

'He spoke frequently of the time he lived at Aberdeen. Their house was near the college. He described the place, but I have forgotten it. He said his mother's "la.s.sack" used to put him to bed at a very early hour, and then go to converse with her lover; he had heard the house was haunted, and sometimes used to get out of bed and run along the lobby in his s.h.i.+rt, till he saw a light, and there remain standing till he was so cold he was forced to go to bed again. One night the servant returning, he grew frightened and ran towards his room; the maid saw him, and fled more frightened than he; she declared she had seen a ghost. Lord Byron said, he was so frightened at the maid, he kept the secret till she was turned away; and, he added, he never since kept a secret half so long. The first pa.s.sion he ever felt was for a young lady who was on a visit to his mother while they lived in Scotland; he was at the time about six years old, and the young lady about nine, yet he was almost ill on her leaving his mother's house to return home. He told me, if I should ever meet the lady (giving me her address), to ask her if she remembers him. On some conversation about the "English Bards and Scotch Reviewers," he gave as a reason for his attacking many of the persons included, that he was informed, some time before the publication of the review, that the next number was to contain an article on his poems which had been read at Holland House.

"Judge of my fever; was it not a pleasant situation for a young author?"

'In conversation he used to deliver very different opinions on many authors from those contained in his works; in the one case he might be guided more by his judgment, and in the other submit entirely to his own particular taste. I have quoted his writings in opposition to his words, and he replied, "Never mind what I print; that is not what I think." He certainly did not consider much of the poetry of the present day as "possessing buoyancy enough to float down the stream of time." I remarked, he ought really to alter the pa.s.sage in the preface of "Marino Faliero," on living dramatic talent; he exclaimed, laughing, "Do you mean me to erase the name of _moral me_?" In this manner he constantly distinguished Milman, alluding to some nonsense in the _Quarterly Review_. He was extremely amused with _Blackwood's Magazine_, and read it whenever he could get a number; he has frequently repeated to me pa.s.sages of Ensign O'Doherty's poetry, which I had not read, and expressed great astonishment at the ability displayed by the author.

'On a gentleman present once asking his opinion of the works of a female author of some note, he said, "A bad imitation of me--all pause and start."

'On my borrowing Mitford's "History of Greece" from him, and saying I had read it once, and intended commencing it again in Greece, he said, "I hate the book; it makes you too well acquainted with the ancient Greeks, and robs antiquity of all its charms. History in his hands, has no poetry."

'I was in the habit of praising Sir William Gell's Itineraries to Lord B., and he, on the other hand, took every opportunity of attacking his Argolis though his attacks were chiefly directed against the drawings, and particularly the view of the bay. He told me he was the author of the article on Sir W. Gell's Argolis in the _Monthly Review_, and said he had written two other articles in this work; but I have forgotten them.[17]

'Whenever the drama was mentioned, he defended the unities most eagerly, and usually attacked Shakspeare. A gentleman present, on hearing his anti-Shakspearean opinions, rushed out of the room, and afterwards entered his protest most anxiously against such doctrines.

Lord B. was quite delighted with this, and redoubled the severity of his criticism. I had heard that Sh.e.l.ley once said to Lord B. in his extraordinary way, "B., you are a most wonderful man." "How?" "You are envious of Shakspeare." I, therefore, never expressed the smallest astonishment at hearing Shakspeare abused; but remarked, it was curious that Lord B. was so strangely conversant in an author of such inferior merit, and that he should so continually have the most melodious lines of Shakspeare in his mouth as examples of blank verse.

He said once, when we were alone, "I like to astonish Englishmen: they come abroad full of Shakspeare, and contempt for the dramatic literature of other nations; they think it blasphemy to find a fault in his writings, which are full of them. People talk of the tendency of my writings, and yet read the sonnets to Master Hughes." Lord B.

certainly did not admire the French tragedians enthusiastically. I said to him, "There is a subject for the Drama which, I believe, has never been touched, and which, I think, affords the greatest possible scope for the representation of all that is sublime in human character--but then it would require an abandonment of the unities--the attack of Maurice of Saxony on Charles V., which saved the Protestant religion; it is a subject of more than national interest." He said it was certainly a fine subject; but he held that the drama could not exist without a strict adherence to the unities; and besides, he knew well he had failed in his dramatic attempts, and that he intended to make no more. He said he thought "Sardanapalus"

his best tragedy.

'The memory of Lord B. was very extraordinary; it was not the mere mechanical memory which can repeat the advertis.e.m.e.nts of a newspaper and such nonsense; but of all the innumerable novels which he had read, he seemed to recollect perfectly the story and every scene of merit.

'Once I had a bet with Mr. Fowke that Maurice of Orange was not the grandson of Maurice of Saxony, as it ran in my head that Maurice was a son of Count Horn's sister. On applying for a decision of our bet to Lord B., he immediately told me I was wrong, that William of Orange was thrice married, and that he had Maurice by a daughter of Maurice of Saxony: he repeated the names of all the children. I said, "This is the most extraordinary instance of your memory I ever heard." He replied, "It's not very extraordinary--I read it all a few days ago in Watson's "Philip II.," and you will find it in a note at the bottom of the last page but one" (I think he said) "of the second volume." He went to his bedroom and brought the book, in which we found the note he had repeated. It seemed to me wonderful enough that such a man could recollect the names of William of Orange's children and their families even for ten minutes.

'Once, on receiving some newspapers, in reading the advertis.e.m.e.nts of new publications aloud, I read the name of Sir Aubrey de Vere Hunt; Lord B. instantly said, "Sir Aubrey was at Harrow, I remember, but he was younger than me. He was an excellent swimmer, and once saved a boy's life; n.o.body would venture in, and the boy was nearly drowned, when Sir Aubrey was called. The boy's name was M'Kinnon, and he went afterwards to India." I think B. said he died there.

'"It is strange," I replied; "I heard this very circ.u.mstance from Sir Aubrey de Vere Hunt, who inquired if I knew the boy, who must now be a man, but said, I think, that his name was Mackenzie." "Depend upon it, I am right," said Byron.

'Lord B. said he had kept a very exact journal of every circ.u.mstance of his life, and many of his thoughts while young, that he had let Mr.

Hobhouse see it in Albania, and that he at last persuaded him to burn it. He said Hobhouse had robbed the world of a treat. He used to say that many of his acquaintances, particularly his female ones, while he was in London, did not like Mr. Hobhouse, "for they thought he kept me within bounds."

'When he was asked for a motto for the _Greek Telegraph_, by Gamba, during the time he felt averse to the publication of a European newspaper in Greece, he gave, "To the Greeks foolishness"--in allusion to the publication in languages which the natives generally do not understand.

'On a discussion in his presence concerning the resemblance of character between the ancient and modern Greeks, he said: "At least we have St. Paul's authority that they had their present character in his time; for he says there is no difference between the Jew and the Greek."

'A few days before I left Missolonghi, riding out together, he told me that he had received a letter from his sister, in which she mentioned that one of the family had displayed some poetical talent, but that she would not tell him who, as she hoped she should hear no more of it. I said "That is a strange wish from the sister of such a poet." He replied that he believed the poetical talent was always a source of pain, and that he certainly would have been happier had he never written a line.

'Those only who were personally acquainted with him can be aware of the influence which every pa.s.sing event had over his mind, or know the innumerable modifications under which his character was daily presenting itself; even his writings took a shade of colouring from those around him. His pa.s.sions and feelings were so lively that each occurrence made a strong impression, and his conduct became so entirely governed by impulse that he immediately and vehemently declared his sentiments. It is not wonderful, therefore, that instances of his inconsistency should be found; though in the most important actions of his life he has acted with no common consistency, and his death attests his sincerity. To attempt by scattered facts to ill.u.s.trate his character is really useless. A hundred could be immediately told to prove him a miser; as many to prove him the most generous of men; an equal number, perhaps, to show he was nervously alive to the distresses of others, or heartlessly unfeeling; at times that he indulged in every desire; at others, that he pursued the most determined system of self-denial; that he ridiculed his friends, or defended them with the greatest anxiety. At one time he was all enthusiasm; at another perfect indifference on the very same subject.

All this would be true, and yet our inference most probably incorrect.

Such hearts as Lord B.'s must become old at an early age, from the continual excitement to which they are exposed, and those only can judge fairly of him, even from his personal acquaintance, who knew him from his youth, when his feelings were warmer than they could be latterly. From some of those who have seen the whole course of his wonderful existence, we may, indeed, expect information; and it is information, not scandal, that will be sought for.'

CHAPTER IX

Millingen tells us that Byron, even before his arrival in Greece, was a favourite among the people and soldiers. Popular imagination had been kindled by reports of his genius, his wealth, and his rank. Everything that a man could perform was expected of him; and many a hards.h.i.+p and grievance was borne patiently, in hope that on Byron's arrival everything would be set right. The people were not disappointed; his conduct towards them after he had landed soon made him a popular idol. It was perceived that Byron was not a theoretical, but a practical, friend to Greece; and his repeated acts of kindness and charity in relieving the poor and distressed, the heavy expenses he daily incurred for the furtherance of every plan, and every inst.i.tution which he deemed worthy of support, showed the people of Missolonghi that Byron was not less alive to their private than he was to their public interests. But there were some people, of course, who felt a slight attack of that pernicious malady known euphuistically as 'the green-eyed monster'. Mavrocordato, the Governor-General of Western Greece, was, according to Millingen, slightly afflicted with envy. He had imagined, when using every means during Byron's stay at Cephalonia to induce him to come to Missolonghi, that he was preparing for himself a powerful instrument to execute his own designs, and that, by placing Byron in a prominent position which would require far more knowledge of the state of things than Byron could possibly possess, he would helplessly drift, and eventually fall entirely under his own guidance. But in this Mavrocordato was entirely mistaken, for Byron had long made up his mind as to the course which he meant to steer, and by sheer honesty of purpose and by the glamour of his fame his authority daily increased, while that of Mavrocordato fell in proportion, until his high-sounding t.i.tle was little better than an empty phrase. The people of Missolonghi were fascinated by the personality of a man who had practically thrown his whole fortune at their feet. They openly spoke of the advantages that would be derived by Western Greece were Byron to be appointed its Governor-General.

'Ambitious and suspicious by nature,' says Millingen, 'Mavrocordato felt his authority aimed at. He began by seconding his supposed rival's measures in a luke-warm manner, whilst he endeavoured in secret to thwart them. He was looked upon as the cause of the rupture between the Suliotes and Lord Byron, fearing that the latter might, with such soldiers, become too powerful.'

Byron perceived the change in Mavrocordato's conduct, and from that moment lost much of the confidence which he had at first felt in him.

'The plain, undisguised manner in which Byron expressed himself on this subject, and the haughty manner in which he received Mavrocordato, tended to confirm the latter's opinion that Byron sought to supplant him.'

Mavrocordato thus laboured under a delusion. Far from having ambitious views, Byron would, in Millingen's opinion, have refused, if the offer had been made to him, ever to take a part in civil administration. He knew too well how little his impetuous character fitted him for the tedious and intricate details of Greek affairs. 'He had come to Greece to a.s.sist her sacred cause with his wealth, his talents, his courage; and the only reward he sought was a soldier's grave.'

Had Lord Byron lived, says Millingen, the misunderstanding between these two distinguished individuals would have been merely temporary. Their principles and love of order were the same, as also the ends they proposed to attain. However different were the roads upon which they marched, they would have been sure to meet at last.

'Lord Byron,' wrote Colonel Stanhope, 'possesses all the means of playing a great part in the glorious revolution of Greece. He has talent; he professes liberal principles; he has money; and is inspired with fervent and chivalrous feelings.'

Colonel Leicester Stanhope was himself deserving of the praise which he thus bestows on Byron, the item 'money' being equally discarded. Colonel Stanhope was a chivalrous gentleman, and devoted himself heart and soul to the regeneration of Greece. But his views were not those of Byron. He was all for printing-presses, freedom of the press, and schools. Byron was all for fighting and organization in a military sense. Their aims were the same, but their methods entirely different. Byron recognized the virtues of Stanhope, and never seriously opposed any of his schemes. Stanhope was absolutely boiling over with enthusiasm regarding the advantages of publis.h.i.+ng a newspaper. His paramount policy, as he states himself in a letter to Mr. Bowring, was 'to strive to offend no one, but, on the contrary, to make all friendly to the press.' He contended for the absolute liberty of the press, and for publicity in every shape! It would be difficult to match such a contention applied to such a period and such a people. In forwarding the third number of the _Greek Chronicle_ to Mr.

Bowring, Stanhope writes: 'The last article in the _Chronicle_ is on Mr.

Bentham. Its object is to dispose the people to read and contemplate his works. Conviction follows.'

Byron had a peculiar antipathy to Mr. Bentham and all his works, but he provided money to support the _Chronicle_. On January 24 Colonel Stanhope wrote to Mr. Bowring a letter which explains the position exactly; and a very peculiar position it was. After asking Byron whether he will subscribe 50 for the support of the _Greek Chronicle_, which Byron cheerfully agreed to do, Colonel Stanhope proceeds to 'heckle' him. The conversation is well worth transcribing:

'Stanhope (_loquitur_): "Your lords.h.i.+p stated yesterday evening that you had said to Prince Mavrocordato that, 'were you in his place (as Governor-General of Western Greece), you would have placed the press under a censor,' and that he replied, 'No; the liberty of the press is guaranteed by the Const.i.tution.' Now, I wish to know whether your lords.h.i.+p was serious when you made the observation, or whether you only said so to provoke me? If your lords.h.i.+p was serious, I shall consider it my duty to communicate this affair to the Committee in England, in order to show them how difficult a task I have to fulfil in promoting the liberties of Greece, if your lords.h.i.+p is to throw the weight of your vast talents into the opposite scale on a question of such vital importance."

'Byron, in reply, said that he was an ardent friend of publicity and the press; but he feared that it was not applicable to this society in its present combustible state. Stanhope replied that he thought it applicable to all countries, and essential in Greece, in order to put an end to the state of anarchy which then prevailed. Byron said that he was afraid of libels and licentiousness. Stanhope maintained that the object of a free press was to check public licentiousness and to expose libellers to odium.'

In a subsequent letter to Mr. Bowring, Colonel Stanhope repeats a conversation with Byron on the subject of Mr. Bentham. One does not know whether to laugh or cry; there is both humour and pathos in the incident.

'His lords.h.i.+p,' writes Stanhope, 'began, according to custom, to attack Mr. Bentham. I said that it was highly illiberal to make personal attacks on Mr. Bentham before a friend who held him in high estimation. He said that he only attacked his public principles, which were mere theories, but dangerous--injurious to Spain and calculated to do great mischief in Greece. I did not object to his lords.h.i.+p's attacking Mr. Bentham's principles; what I objected to were his personalities. His lords.h.i.+p never reasoned on any of Mr. Bentham's writings, but merely made sport of them. I therefore asked him what it was that he objected to. Lord Byron mentioned his "Panopticon" as visionary. I said that experience in Pennsylvania, at Milbank, etc., had proved it otherwise. I said that Bentham had a truly British heart; but that Lord Byron, after professing liberal principles from his boyhood, had, when called upon to act, proved himself a Turk.

'Lord Byron asked what proofs I had of this.

'I replied: "Your conduct in endeavouring to crush the press, by declaiming against it to Mavrocordato, and your general abuse of Liberal principles." Lord Byron said that if he had held up his finger he could have crushed the press. I replied: "With all this power, which, by the way, you never possessed, you went to the Prince and poisoned his ear."