Essay on the Trial By Jury Part 19

The statute 4 Henry VIII, ch. 3, sec. 4, (1512) requires jurors in London to have "goods to the value of one hundred marks."

In 1494 it was enacted that "It shall be lawful to every sheriff of the counties of Southampton, Surrey., and Suss.e.x, to impanel and summons twenty-four lawful men of such, inhabiting within the precinct of his or their turns, as owe suit, to the same turn, whereof every one hath lands or freehold to the yearly value of ten s.h.i.+llings, or copyhold lands to the yearly value of thirteen s.h.i.+llings four pence, above all charges within any of the said counties, or men of less livelihood, if there be not so many there, not withstanding the statute of 1 Richard III., ch. 4. To endure to the next parliament." 11 Henry VII., ch. 24. (1494.) This statute was continued in force by 19 Henry VII., ch. 16 (1503.)

In 1531 it was enacted, "That every person or person being the king's natural subject born, which either by the name of citizen, or of a freeman, or any other name, doth enjoy and use the liberties and privileges of any city, borough, or town corporate, where he dwelleth and maketh his abode, being worth in moveable goods and substance to the clear value of forty pounds, be henceforth admitted in trials of murders and felonies in every sessions and gaol delivery, to be kept and holden in and for the liberty of such cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, albeit they have no freehold; any act, statute, use, custom, or ordinance to the contrary hereof notwithstanding." 23 Henry VIII., ch. 13.

(1531.)

In 1585 it was enacted, "That in all cases where any jurors to be returned for trial of any issue or issues joined in any of the Queen's majesty's courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and the Exchequer, or before judices of a.s.size, by the laws of this realm now in force, ought to have estate of freehold in lands, tenements, or hereditaments, of the clear yearly value of forty s.h.i.+llings, that in every such case the jurors that shall be returned from and after the end of this present session of parliament, shall every of them have estate of freehold in lands, tenements, or hereditaments, to the clear yearly value of four pounds at the least." 27 Elizabeth, ch. 6. (1585.)

In 1664-5 it was enacted "That all jurors (other than strangers upon trials per medietatem linquae) who are to be returned for the trials of issues joined in any of (his) majesty's courts of king's bench, common pleas, or the exchequer, or before justices of a.s.size, nisi prius, oyer and terminer, gaol delivery, or general or quarter sessions of the peace from and after the twentieth day of April, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and sixty-five, in any county of this realm of England, shall every of them then have, in their own name, or in trust for them, within the same county, twenty pounds, by the year, at least, above reprises, in their own or their wives right, of freehold lands, or of ancient demesne, or of rents in fee, fee-tail, or for life. And that in every county within the dominion of Wales every such juror shall then have, within the some, eight pounds by the year, at the least, above reprises, in manner aforesaid. All which persons having such estate as aforesaid are hereby enabled and made liable to be returned and serve as jurors for the trial of issues before the justices aforesaid, any law or statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding," 16 and 17 Charles II., ch. 5. (1664-5,)

By a statute pa.s.sed in 1692, jurors in England are to have landed estates of the value of ten pounds a year, and jurors in Wales to have similar estates of the realm of six pounds a year. 4 and 5 William and Mary, ch. 24, sec. 14, (1692,)

By the same statute, (sec. 18,) persons may be returned to serve upon the tales in any county of England, who shall have within the same county, five pounds by the year, above reprises, in the manner aforesaid.

By St. 3 George II., ch. 25, sec. 10, 20, no one is to be a juror in London, who shall not be "an householder within the said city, and have lands, tenements, or personal estate, to the value of one hundred pounds."

By another statute, applicable only to the county of Middles.e.x, it is enacted, "That all leaseholders, upon leases where the improved rents or value shall amount to fifty pounds or upwards per annum, over and above all ground rents or other reservations payable by virtue of the said leases, shall be liable and obliged to serve upon juries when they shall be legally summoned for that purpose.," 4 George II., ch. 7, sec, 3. (1731.)

[5] A mark was thirteen s.h.i.+llings and four pence.

[6] Suppose these statutes, instead of disfranchising all whose freeholds were of less than the standard value fixed by the statutes, had disfranchised all whose freeholds were of greater value than the same standard would anybody ever have doubted that such legislation was inconsistent with the English const.i.tution; or that it amounted to an entire abolition of the trial by jury? Certainly not. Yet it was as clearly inconsistent with the common law, or the English const.i.tution, to disfranchise those whose freeholds fell below any arbitrary standard fixed by the government, as it would have been to disfranchise all whose freeholds rose above that standard.

[7] Lingard says: "These compurgators or jurors * * were sometimes * * drawn by lot." 1 Lingard's History of England, p. 300.

[8] Chapter 4, p. 120, note.

[9] Editor's Note: (The following was not in Spooner's addition) With the ratification of Article XIX of amendment to the Const.i.tution for the United States, August 20, 1920, women were fully enfranchised with all rights of voting and jury service in all states of the Union.

CHAPTER VII. ILLEGAL JUDGES

IT is a principle of Magna Carta, and therefore of the trial by jury, (for all parts of Magna Carta must be construed together,) that no judge or other officer appointed by the king, shall preside in jury trials, in criminal cases, or "pleas of the crown."

This provision is contained in the great charters of both John and Henry, and is second in importance only to the provision guaranteeing the trial by jury, of which it is really a part.

Consequently, without the observance of this prohibition, there can be no genuine or legal that is, common law trial by jury.

At the common law, all officers who held jury trials, whether in civil or criminal cases, were chosen by the people. [1]

But previous to Magna Carta, the kings had adapted the practice of sending officers of their own appointment, called justices, into the counties, to hold jury trials in some cases; and Magna Carta authorizes this practice to be continued so far as it relates to three kinds of civil actions, to wit: "novel disseisin, mort de ancestor, and darrein presentment;" [2] but specially forbids its being extended to criminal cases, or pleas of the crown.

This prohibition is in these words:

"Nullus vicecomes, constabularius, coronator, vel alii balivi nostri, teneant placita coronae nostrae." (No sheriff, constable, coroner, or other our bailiffs, shall hold pleas of our crown.) John's Charter, ch. 53, Henry's ditto, ch. 17.

Some persons seem to have supposed that this was a prohibition merely upon officers bearing the specific names of "sheriffs, constables, coroners and bailiffs," to hold criminal trials. But such is not the meaning. If it were, the name could be changed, and the thing retained; and thus the prohibition be evaded. The prohibition applies (as will presently be seen) to all officers of the king whatsoever; and it sets up a distinction between officers of the king, ("our bailiffs,") and officers chosen by the people.

The prohibition upon the king's justices sitting in criminal trials, is included in the words "vel alii balivi nostri," (or other our bailiffs.) The word bailif was anciently a sort of general name for judicial officers and persons employed in and about the administration of justice. In modern times its use, as applied to the higher grades of judicial officers, has been superseded by other words; and it therefore now, more generally, if not universally, signifies an executive or police officer, a servant of courts, rather than one whose functions are purely judicial.

The word is a French word, brought into England by the Normans.

c.o.ke says, "Baylife is a French word, and signifies an officer concerned in the administration of justice of a certain province; and because a sheriff hath an office concerning the administration of justice within his county, or bailiwick, therefore be called his county baliva sua, (his bailiwick.)

"I have heard great question made what the true exposition of this word balivus is. In the statute of Magna Carta, cap. 28, the letter of that statute is, nullus balivus de eaetero ponat aliqnem ad legem manifestam nec ad juramentum simplici loquela sua sine testibus fidelibus ad hoc inductis." (No bailiff from henceforth shall put any one to his open law, nor to an oath {of self-exculpation) upon his own simple accusation, or complaint, without faithful witnesses brought in for the same.) "And some have said that balivus in this statute signifieth any judge; for the law must be waged and made before the judge. And this statute (say they) extends to the courts of common pleas, king's bench, &c;., for they must bring with them fideles testes, (faithful witnesses,) &c;., and so hath been the usage to this day." 1 c.o.ke's Inst., 168 b.

c.o.ke makes various references, in his margin to Bracton, Fleta, and other authorities, which I have not examined, but which, I presume, support the opinion expressed in this quotation.

c.o.ke also, in another place, under the head of the chapter just cited from Magna Carta, that "no bailiff shall put any man to his open law," &c;., gives the following commentary upon it, from the Mirror of Justices, from which it appears that in the time of Edward I., (1272 to 1307,) this word balivus was understood to include all judicial, as well as all other, officers of the king.

The Mirror says: "The point which forbiddeth that no bailiff put a freeman to his oath without suit, is to be understood in this manner, that no justice, no minister of the king, nor other steward, nor bailiff, have power to make a freeman make oath, (of self-exculpation,) without the king's command, [3] nor receive any plaint, without witnesses present who testify the plaint to be true." Mirror of Justices, ch. 5, sec. 2, p. 257.

c.o.ke quotes this commentary, (in the original French,) and then endorses it in these words:

"By this it appeareth, that under this word balivus, in this act, is comprehended every justice, minister of the king, steward, and bailiff." 2 Inst., 44.

c.o.ke also, in his commentary upon this very chapter of Magna Carta, that provides that "no sheriff; constable; coroner, or other our bailiffs, shall hold pleas of our crown," expresses the opinion that it "is a general law," (that is, applicable to all officers of the king,) " by reason of the words vel alii balivi nostri, (or other our bailiffs,) under which words are comprehended all judges or justices of any courts of justice.

"And he cites a decision in the king's bench, in the 17th year of Edward I., (1289,) as authority; which decision he calls "a notable and leading judgment." 2 Inst., 30 1.

And yet c.o.ke, in flat contradiction of this decision, which he quotes with such emphasis and approbation, and in flat contradiction also of the definition he repeatedly gives of the word balivus showing that it embraced all ministers of the king whatsoever, whether high or low, judicial or executive, fabricates an entirely gratuitous interpretation of this chapter of Magna Carta, and pretends that after all it only required that felonies should he tried before the king's justices, on account of their superior Iearning; and that it permitted all lesser offenses to be tried before inferior officers, (meaning of course the king's inferior officers.) 2 Inst., 30.

And thus this chapter of Magna Carta, which, according to his own definition of the word balivus, applies to all officers of the king; and which, according to the common and true definition of the term "pleas of the crown," applies to all criminal cases without distinction, and which, therefore, forbids any officer or minister of the king to preside in a jury trial in any criminal case whatsoever, he coolly and gratuitously interprets into a mere senseless provision for simply restricting the discretion of the king in giving names to his own officers who should preside at the trials of particular offences; as if the king, who made and unmade all his officers by a word, could not defeat the whole object of the prohibition, by appointing such individuals as he pleased, to try such causes as he pleased, and calling them by such names as he pleased, if he were but permitted to appoint and name such officers at all; and as if it were of the least importance what name an officer bore, whom the king might appoint to a particular duty. [4]

c.o.ke evidently gives this interpretation solely because, as he was giving a general commentary on Magna Carta, he was bound to give some interpretation or other to every chapter of it; and for this chapter he could invent, or fabricate, (for it is a sheer fabrication,) no interpretation better suited to his purpose than this. It seems never to have entered his mind, (or if it did, he intended that it should never enter the mind of anybody else,) that the object of the chapter could be to deprive the king of the power of putting his creatures into criminal courts, to pack, cheat, and browbeat juries, and thus maintain his authority by procuring the conviction of those who should transgress his laws, or incur his displeasure.

This example of c.o.ke tends to show how utterly blind, or how utterly corrupt, English judges, (dependent upon the crown and the legislature), have been in regard to everything in Magna Carta, that went to secure the liberties of the people, or limit the power of the government.

c.o.ke's interpretation of this chapter of Magna Carta is of a piece with his absurd and gratuitous interpretation of the words "nec super eum ibimus, nec super eum mittemus," which was pointed out in a former article, and by which he attempted to give a judicial power to the king and his judges, where Magna Carta had given it only to a jury. It is also of a piece with his pretence that there was a difference between fine and amercement, and that fines might be imposed by the king, and that juries were required only for fixing amercements.

These are some of the innumerable frauds by which the English people have been cheated out of the trial by jury.

Ex uno disce omnes. From one judge learn the characters of all.

[6]

I give in the note additional and abundant authorities for the meaning ascribed to the word bailiff. The importance of the principle involved will be a sufficient excuse for such an acc.u.mulation of authorities as would otherwise be tedious and perhaps unnecessary. [7]

The foregoing interpretation of the chapter of Magna Carta now under discussion, is corroborated by another chapter of Magna Carta, which specially provides that the king's justices shall "go through every county" to "take the a.s.sizes" (hold jury trials) in three kinds of civil actions, to wit, "novel disseisin, mort de ancestor, and darrein presentment;" but makes no mention whatever of their holding jury trials in criminal cases, an omission wholly unlikely to be made, if it were designed they should attend the trial of such causes. Besides, the here spoken of (in John's charter) does not allow these justices to sit alone in jury trials, even in civilactions; but provides that four knights, chosen by the county, shall sit with them to keep them honest. When the king's justices were known to be so corrupt and servile that the people would not even trust them to sit alone, in jury trials, in civil actions, how preposterous is it to suppose that they would not only suffer them to sit, but to sit alone, in criminal ones.

It is entirely incredible that Magna Carta, which makes such careful provision in regard to the king's justices sitting in civil actions, should make no provision whatever as to their sitting in criminal trials, if they were to be allowed to sit in them at all. Yet Magna Carta has no provision whatever on the subject. [10]

But what would appear to make this matter ahsolute1y certain is, that unless the prohibition that "no bailiff, &c;., of ours shall hold pleas of our crown," apply to all officers of the king, justices as well as others, it would be wholly nugatory for any practical or useful purpose, because the prohibition could be evaded by the king, at any time, by simply changing the t.i.tles of his officers. Instead of calling them "sheriffs, coroners, constables and bailiffs," he could call them "justices," or anything else he pleased; and this prohibition, so important to the liberty of the people, would then be entirely defeated. The king also could make and unmake "justices" at his pleasure; and if he could appoint any officers whatever to preside over juries in criminal trials, he could appoint any tool that he might at any time find adapted to his purpose. It was as easy to make justices of Jeffreys and Scroggs, as of any other material; and to have prohibited all the king's officers, except his justices, from presiding in criminal trials, would therefore have been mere fool's play.

We can all perhaps form some idea, though few of us will be likely to form any adequate idea, of what a different thing the trial by jury would have been in practice, and of what would have been the difference to the liberties of England, for five hundred years last past, had this prohibition of Magna Carta, upon the king's officers sitting in the trial of criminal cases, been observed.

The principle of this chapter of Magna Carta, as applicable to the governments of the United States of America, forbids that any officer appointed either by the executive or legislative power, or dependent upon them for their salaries, or responsible to them by impeachment, should preside over a jury in criminal trials. To have the trial a legal (that is, a common law) and true trial by jury, the presiding officers must be chosen by the people, and be entirely free from all dependence upon, and all accountability to, the executive and legislative branches of the government.

[12]

[1] The proofs of this principle of the common law have already been given on page 120, note.

There is much confusion and contradiction among authors as to the manner in which sheriffs and other officers were appointed; some maintaining that they were appointed by the king, others that they were elected by the people. I imagine that both these opinions are correct, and that several of the king's officers bore the same official names as those chosen by the people; and that this is the cause of the confusion that has arisen on the subject.