A Literary History of the Arabs Part 22

"O people of Kufa! I see heads that are ripe for cutting, and I am the man to do it; and methinks, I see blood between the turbans and beards."[374] The rest of his speech was in keeping with the commencement. He used no idle threats, as the malcontents soon found out. Rebellion, which had been rampant before his arrival, was rapidly extinguished. "He restored order in 'Iraq and subdued its people."[375]

For twenty years his despotic rule gave peace and security to the Eastern world. Cruel he may have been, though the tales of his bloodthirstiness are beyond doubt grossly exaggerated, but it should be put to his credit that he established and maintained the settled conditions which afford leisure for the cultivation of learning. Under his protection the Koran and Traditions were diligently studied both in Kufa and Ba?ra, where many Companions of the Prophet had made their home: hence arose in Ba?ra the science of Grammar, with which, as we shall see in a subsequent page, the name of that city is peculiarly a.s.sociated. ?ajjaj shared the literary tastes of his sovereign; he admired the old poets and patronised the new; he was a master of terse eloquence and plumed himself on his elegant Arabic style. The most hated man of his time, he lives in history as the savage oppressor and butcher of G.o.d-fearing Moslems. He served the Umayyads well and faithfully, and when he died in 714 A.D. he left behind him nothing but his Koran, his arms, and a few hundred pieces of silver.

[Sidenote: Walid (705-715 A.D.).]

[Sidenote: Moslem conquests in the East.]

[Sidenote: Conquest of Spain (711-713 A.D.).]

It was a common saying at Damascus that under Walid people talked of fine buildings, under Sulayman of cookery and the fair s.e.x, while in the reign of 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz the Koran and religion formed favourite topics of conversation.[376] Of Walid's pa.s.sion for architecture we have a splendid monument in the Great Mosque of Damascus (originally the Cathedral of St. John), which is the princ.i.p.al sight of the city to this day. He spoke Arabic very incorrectly, and though his father rebuked him, observing that "in order to rule the Arabs one must be proficient in their language," he could never learn to express himself with propriety.[377] The unbroken peace which now prevailed within the Empire enabled Walid to resume the work of conquest. In the East his armies invaded Transoxania, captured Bokhara and Samarcand, and pushed forward to the Chinese frontier. Another force crossed the Indus and penetrated as far as Multan, a renowned centre of pilgrimage in the Southern Punjaub, which fell into the hands of the Moslems after a prolonged siege. But the most brilliant advance, and the richest in its results, was that in the extreme West, which decided the fate of Spain. Although the Moslems had obtained a footing in Northern Africa some thirty years before this time, their position was always precarious, until in 709 Musa b. Nu?ayr completely subjugated the Berbers, and extended not only the dominion but also the faith of Islam to the Atlantic Ocean. Two years later his freedman ?ariq crossed the straits and took possession of the commanding height, called by the ancients Calpe, but henceforth known as Jabal ?ariq (Gibraltar). Roderic, the last of the West Gothic dynasty, gathered an army in defence of his kingdom, but there were traitors in the camp, and, though he himself fought valiantly, their defection turned the fortunes of the day. The king fled, and it was never ascertained what became of him. ?ariq, meeting with feeble resistance, marched rapidly on Toledo, while Musa, whose jealousy was excited by the triumphal progress of his lieutenant, now joined in the campaign, and, storming city after city, reached the Pyrenees. The conquest of Spain, which is told by Moslem historians with many romantic circ.u.mstances, marks the nearest approach that the Arabs ever made to World-Empire. Their advance on French soil was finally hurled back by Charles the Hammer's great victory at Tours (732 A.D.).

[Sidenote: 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (717-720 A.D.).]

Before taking leave of the Umayyads we must not forget to mention 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, a ruler who stands out in singular contrast with his predecessors, and whose brief reign is regarded by many Moslems as the sole bright spot in a century of G.o.dless and bloodstained tyranny. There had been nothing like it since the days of his ill.u.s.trious namesake and kinsman,[378] 'Umar b. al-Kha??ab, and we shall find nothing like it in the future history of the Caliphate. Plato desired that every king should be a philosopher: according to Mu?ammadan theory every Caliph ought to be a saint. 'Umar satisfied these aspirations. When he came to the throne the following dialogue is said to have occurred between him and one of his favourites, Salim al-Suddi:--

'Umar: "Are you glad on account of my accession, or sorry?"

Salim: "I am glad for the people's sake, but sorry for yours."

'Umar: "I fear that I have brought perdition upon my soul."

Salim: "If you are afraid, very good. I only fear that you may cease to be afraid."

'Umar: "Give me a word of counsel."

Salim: "Our father Adam was driven forth from Paradise because of one sin."[379]

Poets and orators found no favour at his court, which was thronged by divines and men of ascetic life.[380] He warned his governors that they must either deal justly or go. He would not allow political considerations to interfere with his ideal of righteousness, but, as Wellhausen points out, he had practical ends in view: his piety made him anxious for the common weal no less than for his own salvation. Whether he administered the State successfully is a matter of dispute. It has been generally supposed that his financial reforms were Utopian in character and disastrous to the Exchequer.[381] However this may be, he showed wisdom in seeking to bridge the menacing chasm between Islam and the Imperial house. Thus, _e.g._, he did away with the custom which had long prevailed of cursing 'Ali from the pulpit at Friday prayers. The policy of conciliation was tried too late, and for too short a s.p.a.ce, to be effective; but it was not entirely fruitless. When, on the overthrow of the Umayyad dynasty, the tombs of the hated 'tyrants' were defiled and their bodies disinterred, 'Umar's grave alone was respected, and Mas'udi ( 956 A.D.) tells us that in his time it was visited by crowds of pilgrims.

[Sidenote: Hisham and Walid II.]

The remaining Umayyads do not call for particular notice. Hisham ranks as a statesman with Mu'awiya and 'Abdu 'l-Malik: the great 'Abbasid Caliph, Man?ur, is said to have admired and imitated his methods of government.[382] Walid II was an incorrigible libertine, whose songs celebrating the forbidden delights of wine have much merit. The eminent poet and freethinker, Abu 'l-'Ala al-Ma'arri, quotes these verses by him[383]:--

[Sidenote: Verses by Walid II (743-4 A.D.).]

"The Imam Walid am I! In all my glory Of trailing robes I listen to soft lays.

When proudly I sweep on towards her chamber, I care not who inveighs.

There's no true joy but lending ear to music, Or wine that leaves one sunk in stupor dense.

Houris in Paradise I do not look for: Does any man of sense?"

Let us now turn from the monarchs to their subjects.

[Sidenote: Political and religious movements of the period.]

In the first place we shall speak of the political and religious parties, whose opposition to the Umayyad House gradually undermined its influence and in the end brought about its fall. Some account will be given of the ideas for which these parties fought and of the causes of their discontent with the existing _regime_. Secondly, a few words must be said of the theological and more purely religious sects--the Mu'tazilites, Murjites, and ?ufis; and, lastly, of the extant literature, which is almost exclusively poetical, and its leading representatives.

[Sidenote: The Arabs of 'Iraq.]

The opposition to the Umayyads was at first mainly a question of politics. Mu'awiya's accession announced the triumph of Syria over 'Iraq, and Damascus, instead of Kufa, became the capital of the Empire.

As Wellhausen observes, "the most powerful risings against the Umayyads proceeded from 'Iraq, not from any special party, but from the whole ma.s.s of the Arabs settled there, who were united in resenting the loss of their independence (_Selbstherrlichkeit_) and in hating those into whose hands it had pa.s.sed."[384] At the same time these feelings took a religious colour and identified themselves with the cause of Islam. The new government fell lamentably short of the theocratic standard by which it was judged. Therefore it was evil, and (according to the Moslem's conception of duty) every right-thinking man must work for its destruction.

Among the myriads striving for this consummation, and so far making common cause with each other, we can distinguish four princ.i.p.al cla.s.ses.

[Sidenote: Parties opposed to the Umayyad government.]

(1) The religious Moslems, or Pietists, in general, who formed a wing of the Orthodox Party.[385]

(2) The Kharijites, who may be described as the Puritans and extreme Radicals of theocracy.

(3) The s.h.i.+'ites, or partisans of 'Ali and his House.

(4) The Non-Arabian Moslems, who were called _Mawali_ (Clients).

[Sidenote: The Pietists.]

It is clear that the Pietists--including divines learned in the law, reciters of the Koran, Companions of the Prophet and their descendants--could not but abominate the secular authority which they were now compelled to obey. The conviction that Might, in the shape of the tyrant and his minions, trampled on Right as represented by the Koran and the _Sunna_ (custom of Mu?ammad) drove many into active rebellion: five thousand are said to have perished in the sack of Medina alone. Others again, like ?asan of Ba?ra, filled with profound despair, shut their eyes on the world, and gave themselves up to asceticism, a tendency which had important consequences, as we shall see.

[Sidenote: The Kharijites.]

[Sidenote: Battle of Nahrawan (658 A.D.).]

[Sidenote: Kharijite risings.]

When 'Ali, on the field of ?iffin, consented that the claims of Mu'awiya and himself to the Caliphate should be decided by arbitration, a large section of his army accused him of having betrayed his trust. He, the duly elected Caliph--so they argued--should have maintained the dignity of his high office inviolate at all costs. On the homeward march the malcontents, some twelve thousand in number, broke away and encamped by themselves at ?arura, a village near Kufa. Their cry was, "G.o.d alone can decide" (_la ?ukma illa lillahi_): in these terms they protested against the arbitration. 'Ali endeavoured to win them back, but without any lasting success. They elected a Caliph from among themselves, and gathered at Nahrawan, four thousand strong. On the appearance of 'Ali with a vastly superior force many of the rebels dispersed, but the remainder--about half--preferred to die for their faith. Nahrawan was to the Kharijites what Karbala afterwards became to the s.h.i.+'ites, who from this day were regarded by the former as their chief enemies. Frequent Kharijite risings took place during the early Umayyad period, but the movement reached its zenith in the years of confusion which followed Yazid's death. The Azraqites, so called after their leader, Nafi' b.

al-Azraq, overran 'Iraq and Southern Persia, while another sect, the Najdites, led by Najda b. 'amir, reduced the greater part of Arabia to submission. The insurgents held their ground for a long time against 'Abdu 'l-Malik, and did not cease from troubling until the rebellion headed by Shabib was at last stamped out by ?ajjaj in 697.

[Sidenote: Meaning of 'Kharijite.']

[Sidenote: Their political theories.]

It has been suggested that the name _Khariji_ (plural, _Khawarij_) refers to a pa.s.sage in the Koran (iv, 101) where mention is made of "those who go forth (_yakhruj_) from their homes as emigrants (_muhajiran_) to G.o.d and His Messenger"; so that 'Kharijite' means 'one who leaves his home among the unbelievers for G.o.d's sake,' and corresponds to the term _Muhajir_, which was applied to the Meccan converts who accompanied the Prophet in his migration to Medina.[386]

Another name by which they are often designated is likewise Koranic in origin, viz., _Shurat_ (plural of _Sharin_): literally 'Sellers'--that is to say, those who sell their lives and goods in return for Paradise.[387] The Kharijites were mostly drawn from the Bedouin soldiery who settled in Ba?ra and Kufa after the Persian wars. Civil life wrought little change in their unruly temper. Far from acknowledging the peculiar sanct.i.ty of a Qurays.h.i.+te, they desired a chief of their own blood whom they might obey, in Bedouin fas.h.i.+on, as long as he did not abuse or exceed the powers conferred upon him.[388]

The mainspring of the movement, however, was pietistic, and can be traced, as Wellhausen has shown, to the Koran-readers who made it a matter of conscience that 'Ali should avow his contrition for the fatal error which their own temporary and deeply regretted infatuation had forced him to commit. They cast off 'Ali for the same reason which led them to strike at 'Uthman: in both cases they were maintaining the cause of G.o.d against an unjust Caliph.[389] It is important to remember these facts in view of the cardinal Kharijite doctrines (1) that every free Arab was eligible as Caliph,[390] and (2) that an evil-doing Caliph must be deposed and, if necessary, put to death. Mustawrid b. 'Ullifa, the Kharijite 'Commander of the Faithful,' wrote to Simak b. 'Ubayd, the governor of Ctesiphon, as follows: "We call you to the Book of G.o.d Almighty and Glorious, and to the _Sunna_ (custom) of the Prophet--on whom be peace!--and to the administration of Abu Bakr and 'Umar--may G.o.d be well pleased with them!--and to renounce 'Uthman and 'Ali because they corrupted the true religion and abandoned the authority of the Book."[391] From this it appears that the Kharijite programme was simply the old Islam of equality and fraternity, which had never been fully realised and was now irretrievably ruined. Theoretically, all devout Moslems shared in the desire for its restoration and condemned the existing Government no less cordially than did the Kharijites. What distinguished the latter party was the remorseless severity with which they carried their principles into action. To them it was absolutely vital that the Imam, or head of the community, should rule in the name and according to the will of G.o.d: those who followed any other sealed their doom in the next world: eternal salvation hung upon the choice of a successor to the Prophet. Moslems who refused to execrate 'Uthman and 'Ali were the worst of infidels; it was the duty of every true believer to take part in the Holy War against such, and to kill them, together with their wives and children. These atrocities recoiled upon the insurgents, who soon found themselves in danger of extermination. Milder counsels began to prevail. Thus the Iba?ites (followers of 'Abdullah b.

Iba?) held it lawful to live amongst the Moslems and mix with them on terms of mutual tolerance. But compromise was in truth incompatible with the _raison d'etre_ of the Kharijites, namely, to establish the kingdom of G.o.d upon the earth. This meant virtual anarchy: "their unbending logic shattered every const.i.tution which it set up." As 'Ali remarked, "they say, 'No government' (_la imara_), but there must be a government, good or bad."[392] Nevertheless, it was a n.o.ble ideal for which they fought in pure devotion, having, unlike the other political parties, no worldly interests to serve.

[Sidenote: Their religion.]

The same fierce spirit of fanaticism moulded their religious views, which were gloomy and austere, as befitted the chosen few in an unG.o.dly world. Shahrastani, speaking of the original twelve thousand who rebelled against 'Ali, describes them as 'people of fasting and prayer'

(_ahlu ?iyamin wa-?alatin_).[393] The Koran ruled their lives and possessed their imaginations, so that the history of the early Church, the persecutions, martyrdoms, and triumphs of the Faith became a veritable drama which was being enacted by themselves. The fear of h.e.l.l kindled in them an inquisitorial zeal for righteousness. They scrupulously examined their own belief as well as that of their neighbours, and woe to him that was found wanting! A single false step involved excommunication from the pale of Islam, and though the slip might be condoned on proof of sincere repentance, any Moslem who had once committed a mortal sin (_kabira_) was held, by the stricter Kharijites at least, to be inevitably d.a.m.ned with the infidels in everlasting fire.

[Sidenote: Kharijite poetry.]

Much might be written, if s.p.a.ce allowed, concerning the wars of the Kharijites, their most famous chiefs, the points on which they quarrelled, and the sects into which they split. Here we can only attempt to ill.u.s.trate the general character of the movement. We have touched on its political and religious aspects, and shall now conclude with some reference to its literary side. The Kharijites did not produce a Milton or a Bunyan, but as Arabs of Bedouin stock they had a natural gift of song, from which they could not be weaned; although, according to the strict letter of the Koran, poetry is a devilish invention improper for the pious Moslem to meddle with. But these are poems of a different order from the pagan odes, and breathe a stern religious enthusiasm that would have gladdened the Prophet's heart. Take, for example, the following verses, which were made by a Kharijite in prison:--[394]