A Literary History of the Arabs Part 26

We have other verses by this gallant and loyal officer in which he implores the Arab troops stationed in Khurasan, who were paralysed by tribal dissensions, to turn their swords against "a mixed rabble without religion or n.o.bility":--

"'Death to the Arabs'--that is all their creed."[476]

[Sidenote: Declaration of war.]

[Sidenote: Abu Muslim.]

These warnings, however, were of no avail, and on June 9th, A.D. 747, Abu Muslim displayed the black banner of the 'Abbasids at Siqadanj, near Merv, which city he occupied a few months later. The triumphant advance of the armies of the Revolution towards Damascus recalls the celebrated campaign of Caesar, when after crossing the Rubicon he marched on Rome.

Nor is Abu Muslim, though a freedman of obscure parentage--he was certainly no Arab--unworthy to be compared with the great patrician. "He united," says Noldeke, "with an agitator's adroitness and perfect unscrupulosity in the choice of means the energy and clear outlook of a general and statesman, and even of a monarch."[477] Grim, ruthless, disdaining the pleasures of ordinary men, he possessed the faculty in which Caesar excelled of inspiring blind obedience and enthusiastic devotion. To complete the parallel, we may mention here that Abu Muslim was treacherously murdered by Man?ur, the second Caliph of the House which he had raised to the throne, from motives exactly resembling those which Shakespeare has put in the mouth of Brutus--

"So Caesar may: Then, lest he may, prevent. And since the quarrel Will bear no colour for the thing he is, Fas.h.i.+on it thus: that what he is, augmented, Would run to these and these extremities; And therefore think him as a serpent's egg Which, hatched, would as his kind grow mischievous, And kill him in the sh.e.l.l."

[Sidenote: Accession of Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Saffa?.]

The downfall of the Umayyads was hastened by the perfidy and selfishness of the Arabs on whom they relied: the old feud between Mu?ar and Yemen broke out afresh, and while the Northern group remained loyal to the dynasty, those of Yemenite stock more or less openly threw in their lot with the Revolution. We need not attempt to trace the course of the unequal contest. Everywhere the Arabs, disheartened and divided, fell an easy prey to their adversaries, and all was lost when Marwan, the last Umayyad Caliph, sustained a crus.h.i.+ng defeat on the River Zab in Babylonia (January, A.D. 750). Meanwhile Abu 'l-'Abbas, the head of the rival House, had already received homage as Caliph (November, 749 A.D.).

In the inaugural address which he delivered in the great Mosque of Kufa, he called himself _al-Saffa?_, _i.e._, 'the Blood-shedder,'[478] and this t.i.tle has deservedly stuck to him, though it might have been a.s.sumed with no less justice by his brother Mansur and other members of his family. All Umayyads were remorselessly hunted down and ma.s.sacred in cold blood--even those who surrendered only on the strength of the most solemn pledges that they had nothing to fear. A small remnant made their escape, or managed to find shelter until the storm of fury and vengeance, which spared neither the dead nor the living,[479] had blown over. One stripling, named 'Abdu 'l-Ra?man, fled to North Africa, and after meeting with many perilous adventures founded a new Umayyad dynasty in Spain.

CHAPTER VI

THE CALIPHS OF BAGHDaD

The annals of the 'Abbasid dynasty from the accession of Saffa? (A.D.

749) to the death of Musta'?im, and the destruction of Baghdad by the Mongols (A.D. 1258) make a round sum of five centuries. I propose to sketch the history of this long period in three chapters, of which the first will offer a general view of the more important literary and political developments so far as is possible in the limited s.p.a.ce at my command; the second will be devoted to the great poets, scholars, historians, philosophers, and scientists who flourished in this, the Golden Age of Mu?ammadan literature; while in the third some account will be given of the chief religious movements and of the trend of religious thought.

[Sidenote: Political results of the Revolution.]

The empire founded by the Caliph 'Umar and administered by the Umayyads was essentially, as the reader will have gathered, a military organisation for the benefit of the paramount race. In theory, no doubt, all Moslems were equal, but in fact the Arabs alone ruled--a privilege which national pride conspired with personal interest to maintain. We have seen how the Persian Moslems a.s.serted their right to a share in the government. The Revolution which enthroned the 'Abbasids marks the beginning of a Moslem, as opposed to an Arabian, Empire. The new dynasty, owing its rise to the people of Persia, and especially of Khurasan, could exist only by establis.h.i.+ng a balance of power between Persians and Arabs. That this policy was not permanently successful will surprise no one who considers the widely diverse characteristics of the two races, but for the next fifty years the rivals worked together in tolerable harmony, thanks to the genius of Man?ur and the conciliatory influence of the Barmecides, by whose overthrow the alliance was virtually dissolved. In the ensuing civil war between the sons of Harun al-Ras.h.i.+d the Arabs fought on the side of Amin while the Persians supported Ma'mun, and henceforth each race began to follow an independent path. The process of separation, however, was very gradual, and long before it was completed the religious and intellectual life of both nationalities had become inseparably mingled in the full stream of Moslem civilisation.

[Sidenote: The choice of a new capital.]

[Sidenote: Foundation of Baghdad.]

The centre of this civilisation was the province of 'Iraq (Babylonia), with its renowned metropolis, Baghdad, 'the City of Peace' (_Madinatu 'l-Salam_). Only here could the 'Abbasids feel themselves at home.

"Damascus, peopled by the dependants of the Omayyads, was out of the question. On the one hand it was too far from Persia, whence the power of the 'Abbasids was chiefly derived; on the other hand it was dangerously near the Greek frontier, and from here, during the troublous reigns of the last Omayyads, hostile incursions on the part of the Christians had begun to avenge former defeats. It was also beginning to be evident that the conquests of Islam would, in the future, lie to the eastward towards Central Asia, rather than to the westward at the further expense of the Byzantines. Damascus, on the highland of Syria, lay, so to speak, dominating the Mediterranean and looking westward, but the new capital that was to supplant it must face east, be near Persia, and for the needs of commerce have water communication with the sea.

Hence everything pointed to a site on either the Euphrates or the Tigris, and the 'Abbasids were not slow to make their choice."[480]

After carefully examining various sites, the Caliph Man?ur fixed on a little Persian village, on the west bank of the Tigris, called Baghdad, which, being interpreted, means 'given (or 'founded') by G.o.d'; and in A.D. 762 the walls of the new city began to rise. Man?ur laid the first brick with his own hand, and the work was pushed forward with astonis.h.i.+ng rapidity under his personal direction by masons, architects, and surveyors, whom he gathered out of different countries, so that 'the Round City,' as he planned it, was actually finished within the short s.p.a.ce of four years.

[Sidenote: Despotic character of 'Abbasid rule.]

[Sidenote: The Vizier.]

The same circ.u.mstances which caused the seat of empire to be transferred to Baghdad brought about a corresponding change in the whole system of government. Whereas the Umayyads had been little more than heads of a turbulent Arabian aristocracy, their successors reverted to the old type of Oriental despotism with which the Persians had been familiar since the days of Darius and Xerxes. Surrounded by a strong bodyguard of troops from Khurasan, on whose devotion they could rely, the 'Abbasids ruled with absolute authority over the lives and properties or their subjects, even as the Sasanian monarchs had ruled before them. Persian fas.h.i.+ons were imitated at the court, which was thronged with the Caliph's relatives and freedmen (not to mention his womenfolk), besides a vast array of uniformed and decorated officials. Chief amongst these latter stood two personages who figure prominently in the _Arabian Nights_--the Vizier and the Executioner. The office of Vizier is probably of Persian origin, although in Professor De Goeje's opinion the word itself is Arabic.[481] The first who bore this t.i.tle in 'Abbasid times was Abu Salama, the minister of Saffa?: he was called _Waziru ali Mu?ammadin_, 'the Vizier of Mu?ammad's Family.' It was the duty of the Vizier to act as intermediary between the omnipotent sovereign and his people, to counsel him in affairs of State, and, above all, to keep His Majesty in good humour. He wielded enormous power, but was exposed to every sort of intrigue, and never knew when he might be interned in a dungeon or despatched in the twinkling of an eye by the grim functionary presiding over the _na?'_, or circular carpet of leather, which lay beside the throne and served as a scaffold.

[Sidenote: Two periods of 'Abbasid history.]

We can distinguish two periods in the history of the 'Abbasid House: one of brilliant prosperity inaugurated by Man?ur and including the reigns of Mahdi, Harun al-Ras.h.i.+d, Ma'mun, Mu'tasim, and Wathiq--that is to say, nearly a hundred years in all (754-847 A.D.); the other, more than four times as long, commencing with Mutawakkil (847-861 A.D.)--a period of decline rapidly sinking, after a brief interval which gave promise of better things, into irremediable decay.[482]

[Sidenote: Reign of Man?ur (754-775 A.D.).]

[Sidenote: Outbreaks in Persia.]

Cruel and treacherous, like most of his family, Abu Ja'far Man?ur was perhaps the greatest ruler whom the 'Abbasids produced.[483] He had to fight hard for his throne. The 'Alids, who deemed themselves the true heirs of the Prophet in virtue of their descent from Fa?ima, rose in rebellion against the usurper, surprised him in an unguarded moment, and drove him to such straits that during seven weeks he never changed his dress except for public prayers. But once more the 'Alids proved incapable of grasping their opportunity. The leaders, Mu?ammad, who was known as 'The Pure Soul' (_al-Nafs al-zakiyya_), and his brother Ibrahim, fell on the battle-field. Under Mahdi and Harun members of the House of 'Ali continued to 'come out,' but with no better success. In Eastern Persia, where strong national feelings interwove themselves with Pre-Mu?ammadan religious ideas, those of Mazdak and Zoroaster in particular, the 'Abbasids encountered a formidable opposition which proclaimed its vigour and tenacity by the successive revolts of Sinbadh the Magian (755-756 A.D.), Ustadhsis (766-768), Muqanna', the 'Veiled Prophet of Khurasan' (780-786), and Babak the Khurramite (816-838).[484]

[Sidenote: Man?ur's advice to Mahdi.]

Man?ur said to his son Mahdi, "O Abu 'Abdallah, when you sit in company, always have divines to converse with you; for Mu?ammad b.

s.h.i.+hab al-Zuhri said, 'The word _?adith_ (Apostolic Tradition) is masculine: only virile men love it, and only effeminate men dislike it'; and he spoke the truth."[485]

[Sidenote: Man?ur and the poet.]

On one occasion a poet came to Mahdi, who was then heir-apparent, at Rayy, and recited a panegyric in his honour. The prince gave him 20,000 dirhems. Thereupon the postmaster of Rayy informed Man?ur, who wrote to his son reproaching him for such extravagance. "What you should have done," he said, "was to let him wait a year at your door, and after that time bestow on him 4,000 dirhems." He then caused the poet to be arrested and brought into his presence. "You went to a heedless youth and cajoled him?" "Yes, G.o.d save the Commander of the Faithful, I went to a heedless, generous youth and cajoled him, and he suffered himself to be cajoled." "Recite your eulogy of him." The poet obeyed, not forgetting to conclude his verses with a compliment to Man?ur.

"Bravo!" cried the Caliph, "but they are not worth 20,000 dirhems. Where is the money?" On its being produced he made him a gift of 4,000 dirhems and confiscated the remainder.[486]

[Sidenote: The Barmecides.]

[Sidenote: Ya?ya b. Khalid.]

Notwithstanding irreconcilable parties--'Alids, Persian extremists, and (we may add) Kharijites--the policy of _rapprochement_ was on the whole extraordinarily effective. In carrying it out the Caliphs received powerful a.s.sistance from a n.o.ble and ancient Persian family, the celebrated Barmakites or Barmecides. According to Mas'udi,[487] Barmak was originally a t.i.tle borne by the High Priest (_sadin_) of the great Magian fire-temple at Balkh. Khalid, the son of one of these dignitaries--whence he and his descendants were called Barmakites (_Baramika_)--held the most important offices of state under Saffa?

and Man?ur. Ya?ya, the son of Khalid, was entrusted with the education of Harun al-Ras.h.i.+d, and on the accession of the young prince he was appointed Grand Vizier. "My dear father!" said the Caliph, "it is through the blessings and the good fortune which attend you, and through your excellent management, that I am seated on the throne;[488] so I commit to you the direction of affairs." He then handed to him his signet-ring. Ya?ya was distinguished (says the biographer) for wisdom, n.o.bleness of mind, and elegance of language.[489] Although he took a truly Persian delight in philosophical discussion, for which purpose freethinking scholars and eminent heretics used often to meet in his house, he was careful to observe the outward forms of piety. It may be said of the 'Abbasids generally that, whatever they might do or think in private, they wore the official badge of Islam ostentatiously on their sleeves. The following verses which Ya?ya addressed to his son Fa?l are very characteristic:--[490]

"Seek glory while 'tis day, no effort spare, And patiently the loved one's absence bear; But when the shades of night advancing slow O'er every vice a veil of darkness throw, Beguile the hours with all thy heart's delight: The day of prudent men begins at night.

Many there be, esteemed of life austere, Who nightly enter on a strange career.

Night o'er them keeps her sable curtain drawn, And merrily they pa.s.s from eve to dawn.

Who but a fool his pleasures would expose To spying rivals and censorious foes?"

[Sidenote: Fall of the Barmecides (803 A.D.).]

For seventeen years Ya?ya and his two sons, Fa?l and Ja'far, remained deep in Harun's confidence and virtual rulers of the State until, from motives which have been variously explained, the Caliph resolved to rid himself of the whole family. The story is too well known to need repet.i.tion.[491] Ja'far alone was put to death: we may conclude, therefore, that he had specially excited the Caliph's anger; and those who ascribe the catastrophe to his romantic love-affair with Harun's sister, 'Abbasa, are probably in the right.[492] Harun himself seems to have recognised, when it was too late, how much he owed to these great Persian barons whose tactful administration, unbounded generosity, and munificent patronage of literature have shed immortal l.u.s.tre on his reign. Afterwards, if any persons spoke ill of the Barmecides in his presence, he would say (quoting the verse of ?u?ay'a):--[493]

"O slanderers, be your sire of sire bereft![494]

Give o'er, or fill the gap which they have left."

[Sidenote: Harun al-Ras.h.i.+d (786-809 A.D.).]

Harun's orthodoxy, his liberality, his victories over the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus, and last but not least the literary brilliance of his reign have raised him in popular estimation far above all the other Caliphs: he is the Charlemagne of the East, while the entrancing pages of the _Thousand and One Nights_ have made his name a household word in every country of Europe. Students of Moslem history will soon discover that "the good Haroun Alraschid" was in fact a perfidious and irascible tyrant, whose fitful amiability and real taste for music and letters hardly ent.i.tle him to be described either as a great monarch or a good man. We must grant, however, that he thoroughly understood the n.o.ble art of patronage. The poets Abu Nuwas, Abu 'l-'Atahiya, Di'bil, Muslim b.

Walid, and 'Abbas b. A?naf; the musician Ibrahim of Mosul and his son Is?aq; the philologists Abu 'Ubayda, A?ma'i, and Kisa'i; the preacher Ibnu 'l-Sammak; and the historian Waqidi--these are but a few names in the galaxy of talent which he gathered around him at Baghdad.

[Sidenote: Amin and Ma'mun (809-833 A.D.).]

The fall of the Barmecides revived the spirit of racial antagonism which they had done their best to lay, and an open rupture was rendered inevitable by the short-sighted policy of Harun with regard to the succession. He had two grown-up sons, Amin, by his wife and cousin Zubayda, and Ma'mun, whose mother was a Persian slave. It was arranged that the Caliphate should pa.s.s to Amin and after him to his brother, but that the Empire should be divided between them. Amin was to receive 'Iraq and Syria, Ma'mun the eastern provinces, where the people would gladly welcome a ruler of their own blood. The struggle for supremacy which began almost immediately on the death of Harun was in the main one of Persians against Arabs, and by Ma'mun's triumph the Barmecides were amply avenged.