The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria Part 59

[981] _Wo Lag das Paradies_ (_Ueber Land und Meer_, 1894-95, no. 15).

[982] The Hebrew account, it must be remembered, consists of two narratives dovetailed into one another. According to the one version--the Yahwistic--the rainstorm continued for forty days and forty nights; according to the other--the priestly narrative--one hundred and fifty days pa.s.s before the waters began to diminish and a year elapses before Noah leaves the ark. The Yahwistic narrative lays stress upon the ritualistic distinction of clean and unclean animals, but on the whole, the Yahwistic version approaches closer to the Babylonian tale. Evidence has now been furnished that among the Babylonians, too, more than one version of the tradition existed. At the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists (September, 1897), Scheil presented a tablet, dating from the days of Hammurabi, in which the story of a deluge is narrated in a manner quite different from the Gilgamesh epic. The tablet also furnishes the phonetic reading _p-r_, and Scheil is of the opinion that these two syllables form the first element in the name of the hero.

Unfortunately, the tablet is badly mutilated at this point, so that the question of the reading is not absolutely certain. See p. 488, note 2.

[The reading Ut-napishtim is now generally adopted.]

[983] Gen. xix.

[984] Note the phrase in Gen. xix. 31, "there is no one on earth," and see Pietschman, _Geschichte der Phonizier_, p. 115.

[985] That the story was current as early as Hammurabi is now established by Scheil's fragment (see note 2 on preceding page).

[986] The word used is _tu_ which means a charm or incantation in general.

[987] Made of the charm root.

[988] Gilgamesh.

[989] _I.e._, 'old age,' the name given to some plant of magic power.

[990] _Tu._

[991] Lit., 'good.'

[992] _Utukku_--the name, it will be recalled, given to a cla.s.s of demons. See p. 260.

[993] See p. 518.

[994] Haupt, _Beitrage zur a.s.syriologie_, i. 318, 319, has made it plausible that pp. 16-19 of his edition belong to the twelfth tablet of the epic, though perhaps to a different edition of the epic, as Jeremias suggests (_Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 43).

[995] See above, p. 474.

[996] Haupt's edition, pp. 67, 12.

[997] Lit., 'thou hast seen it, I have seen it.'

[998] Text defective. Jeremias conjectures "kneeling."

[999] _Ekimmu_, another name for a cla.s.s of demons. See p. 260.

[1000] The correct translation of these lines we owe to Haupt (_Beitrage zur a.s.syriologie_, i. 69, 70).

[1001] The reference to the killing of a panther in the tenth tablet (Haupt, p. 71, 6) is too obscure to be taken into consideration.

Gilgamesh's fight with a 'buffalo' (so Ward, "Babylonian G.o.ds in Babylonian Art," _Proc. Amer. Or. Soc._, May, 1890, p. xv) is pictured on seal cylinders. No doubt, various deeds of Gilgamesh were recounted in the missing portions of the epic, and it is also quite likely that besides the stories in the epic, others were current of Gilgamesh to which a literary form was never given.

[1002] The Parnapishtim episode pa.s.sed on to the Arabs, where the hero of the deluge appears under the name of Khadir--a corruption of Adra-Khasis. See Lidzbarski, "Wer ist Chadir?" _Zeits. f. a.s.syr._ vii.

109-112, who also suggests that Ahasverus, 'the Wandering Jew,' is a corruption of Adrakhasis.

[1003] It will be recalled that Nimrod is termed a 'mighty hunter'

(_said_). This suggests a comparison with Sadu, 'the hunter,' in the Gilgamesh epic. See above, p. 475.

[1004] Originally suggested by H. C. Rawlinson.

[1005] The ending _on_ is an emphatic affix--frequent in proper names.

[1006] _Euripides' Herakles_, Einleitung.

[1007] On this subject see the Introduction to Berard's _De l'origine des cultes Arcadiens_, and for a further discussion of the relations.h.i.+ps between Izdubar and Hercules, see Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, pp. 70-73, or his article in Roscher's _Ausfuhrliches Lexicon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie_, ii. 821-823.

[1008] Meissner, _Alexander und Gilgamos_ (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 13-17.

[1009] In the Greek and other versions, the mountain Musas or Masis is mentioned,--that is, _Mashu_, as in the Gilgamesh epic. See p. 488.

[1010] See especially Budge, _The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great_ (London, Introduction, 1896); Noldeke, _Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alexander-Romans_ (Vienna, 1890) and Gaster, _An Old Hebrew Romance of Alexander_ (_Journal Royal Asiat. Soc._, 1897, pp. 485-498).

CHAPTER XXIV.

MYTHS AND LEGENDS.

Not many years ago the impression appeared to be well founded that the Semites were poor in the production of myths and legends as compared, for example, to the Hindus or Greeks. The religious literature of the Babylonians, originating undoubtedly with the Semitic inhabitants of the Euphrates Valley, reverses the impression. The 'creation' and 'Gilgamesh' epics suffice, not merely for what they contain, but for what they imply, to accord to Babylonian mythology a high rank; but in addition to these epics we have a large number of tales of G.o.ds, demiG.o.ds, demons, and spirits that ill.u.s.trate the capacity of the Babylonians for the production of myths. Indeed, there is no longer any reason for doubting that the Babylonian mythology exercised considerable influence upon that of the Greeks. Further discoveries and researches may show that distant India also felt at an early period the intellectual stimulus emanating from the Euphrates Valley. At all events, many of the features found in Babylonian myths and legends bear so striking a resemblance to those occurring in lands lying to the east and west of Babylonia, that a study of Aryan mythology is sadly deficient which does not take into account the material furnished by cuneiform literature. How extensive the Babylonian mythology was must remain for the present a matter of conjecture, but it is easier to err on the side of underestimation than on the side of exaggeration. If it be remembered that by far the smaller portion only of Ashurbanabal's library has been recovered, and that of the various literary collections that were gathered in the religious centers of the south, scarcely anything has as yet been found, it is certainly remarkable that we should be in possession of an elaborate tale of a demi-G.o.d, Etana, of an extensive legend recounting the deeds of the war and plague-G.o.d Dibbarra, and of two genuine storm myths, while the indications in Dr.

Bezold's catalogue of the Kouyunjik collection justify us in adding to the list several other myths and legends, among the still unpublished tablets of the British Museum.[1011] These myths and legends have a twofold value for us, a direct value because of the popular religious ideas contained in them, and an indirect value by virtue of the interpretation given to these ideas by the compilers. In the literary form that the popular productions received, the influence of those who guided the religious thought into its proper channels is to be clearly seen.

The Etana Legend.

It will be recalled that we came across a hero Etana in the Gilgamesh epic.[1012] The name of the hero is Semitic, and signifies 'strong.'[1013] An identical name appears in the Old Testament,[1014]

and it is possible that the Babylonian Etana represents, like Gilgamesh, some ancient historical person of whom a dim tradition has survived among other nations besides the Babylonians. The deeds recounted of him, however, place the hero entirely in the domain of myth. His patron is Shamash, the sun-G.o.d, and in popular tradition he becomes a member of the pantheon of the nether world.

In the portions of the Etana legend preserved,[1015] two episodes are detailed in the hero's career, one regarding the birth of a son, the other a miraculous journey. The former episode justifies the a.s.sumption of a historical starting-point for the legend of Etana.[1016] Among many nations the birth of a hero or of a hero's son is pictured as taking place under great difficulties. Etana's wife is in distress because she is unable to bring to the world a child which she has conceived. Etana appeals to Shamash. Through the mediation of the priests he has offered sacrifices, and he now prays to Shamash to show him the "plant of birth."

The oracles[1017] have completed my sacrifices, They have completed my free-will offerings to the G.o.ds.

O Lord, let thy mouth command, And give me the plant of birth, Reveal to me the plant of birth, Bring forth the fruit, grant me an offspring.

Of Shamash's reply only one line is preserved intact, in which he tells Etana:

Take the road, ascend the mountain.

It is presumably upon the mountain that the plant grows whose magical power will insure the happy delivery of the expected offspring. Harper calls attention to a remarkable parallel to this incident which is found in the Armenian and Mandaean legends of the birth of Rustem, the son of Sal. The latter's wife is unable to deliver her child because of its size. Sal, who was reared by an eagle, has in his possession a pinion of the eagle, by means of which he can, when in distress, invoke the presence of the bird. The father throws the pinion into the fire, and the eagle appears. The latter gives the mother a medicinal potion, and the child is cut out of the womb. Etana, like Rustem, is accompanied by an eagle, and it would appear that the eagle aids Etana in obtaining the plant.[1018] The eagle, in many mythologies, is a symbol of the sun, and it is plausible to conclude that the bird is sent to Etana at the instigation of Shamash. Who the son is that Etana expects we are not told, and naturally from a single episode like this--and one so fragmentarily preserved--no safe conclusions may be drawn. But the epic (if we may apply this term) must have recounted some achievements of Etana, and as the 'strong' one, his deeds must have borne some resemblance to those of Gilgamesh. The birth of the son, it is furthermore fair to presume, took place towards the end of Etana's career, when his own life was drawing to a close. If a fragment[1019] of the tale were only better preserved, we would have an episode of Etana's earlier career. But such is the condition of this fragment that, at the most, it can be said that Etana is engaged in some conflict against a city, in which Ishtar, Bel, the Anunnaki, the Igigi, and some minor G.o.ds, as En-ninna, Sibittum, are involved. The Etana series, as we learn from the colophon to this fragment, was known by a designation in which a city[1020] occurs, and it may be that this is the city against which Etana, aided by the G.o.ds, proceeds. Leaving this aside, it is fortunate that we have at least another episode in Etana's career which enables us to establish the connecting link between the hero as an historical personage and as a G.o.d or demi-G.o.d. As Gilgamesh offers an insult to Ishtar, so Etana encounters the ill-will of the great G.o.ddess, though through no direct offense. The eagle tempts Etana to mount with him into the upper regions. Etana is represented as giving, in part, an account of this adventure, in the first person. The gates of the upper regions are opened, and Etana is terrified at the majestic sight which greets him. He sees a throne, and throws himself on his countenance in terror.

The gates are significantly designated as the gate of Anu, Bel, and Ea, and the gate of Sin, Shamash, Ramman, and Ishtar. The introduction of the two cla.s.ses of the theological triads[1021] reveals the influence of a scholastic elaboration of some popular myth. The eagle rea.s.sures Etana, and addresses him as follows:

My friend lift up (?) [thy countenance], Come and let me carry thee to the heaven [of Anu].

On my breast place thy breast, On my pinion place thy palms, On my side place thy side.

Etana obeys, and thus, securely attached to the eagle, begins the daring journey. They fly for the s.p.a.ce of a double hour,[1022] when

The eagle addresses Etana: Look, my friend, how the earth appears; Look at the sea and at its side, the house of wisdom;[1023]