Secret History of the Court of England Volume I Part 8

The amounts required for this and the last year were nearly the same as for 1798.

In the early part of the year

1801,

it was announced that the king had taken a severe cold, while hunting, and, in consequence, was not able to visit the several concerts to which he had previously given the promise of his attendance and patronage; but his indisposition was _mental_, not bodily. His majesty was so exceedingly distressed at the base and unworthy conduct of his son to his niece, the Princess of Wales, that he said frequently, "It is more than a father can bear!" Many times would he order his horse to be brought, and, requesting his attendants not to follow him, pursue his way towards Blackheath, where the princess then resided, sympathizing with her sorrows, and, more especially, in the intended removal of her child; for even at this early period, when the Princess Charlotte was but four years of age, the queen would signify her commands that the child should pa.s.s some days with her, either in London or Windsor, whichever happened to be most convenient to her majesty.

Notwithstanding the extreme scarcity of money and the high price of food, the queen and the younger branches of her family continued to give their splendid entertainments, as expense was the last consideration with the royal brood, when it was known the country supplied the means.

Oh! John Bull, thy gullibility has, for above half a century, been _more_ than proverbial!

On the 29th of October, the king opened the house in person, and announced the conclusion of war. Parliament then adjourned till after the Christmas recess. England now exhibited the effects of an eight years' war; the national debt had been DOUBLED, and internal distress had become general; the poor were in a state bordering on starvation, and commerce had the prospect of every foreign port being shut against it; while the supplies required for the year amounted to nearly FORTY MILLIONS.

The year

1802

was ushered in under the greatest embarra.s.sments. The vitals of the people were nearly destroyed by the enormous taxation they had endured for so many years, and it was doubtless owing to the intolerable load they had sustained, and still expected to have forced upon them, that independent sentiments were proclaimed. They had a right to condemn the usurping power of the queen, for producing all their troubles.

The recess having terminated, the House met. The chancellor came forward to shew that the sovereign's pecuniary affairs were very much in arrear.

After introducing his plan of finance, he was obliged to inform the House that certain taxes had been mortgaged by Mr. Pitt, (_who had now resigned_) for which the present minister must provide. To defray this expense, very heavy additional duties were imposed on beer, malt, hops, &c. A considerable addition was also made to the a.s.sessed taxes, and upon imports and exports. At this period, the whole of the "funded debt," including the loans of the present year, amounted to _five hundred and forty millions_, and the interest was annually _seventeen millions sterling_!

On the 7th of May, Mr. Nichol moved that an address be presented to his majesty, thanking him for the removal of Mr. Pitt from his councils, when Lord Belgrave rose, and moved an amendment, expressive of the high approbation of that House respecting the character and conduct of the late minister and his colleagues! In the face of all opposition, Lord Belgrave's amendment was carried by more than _four to one_, as also a second motion, by Sir H. Mildmay, "that the _thanks_ of the House be given to the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt." This was a.s.surance in perfection!

These discussions only seemed to increase Mr. Pitt's popularity, and on the occasion of his next birth-day, Earl Spencer, late first lord of the Admiralty, gave as a toast to the company, "the pilot that weathered the storm," instead of "the pilot who _gathered_ the storm!"

In the latter part of this year, much fear was excited, lest hostilities should again arise between France and England, on account of the ascendency of Buonaparte.

At the commencement of the year

1803,

the unhappy king, by the desire of his overbearing wife, directed a message to the House, recommending "the embarra.s.sed state of the Prince of Wales to their attention," and, in consequence, sixty thousand pounds annually were further settled upon his royal highness, to continue for three years and a half. This sum, however, was not half sufficient to meet his lavish engagements; and therefore Mr. Calcraft had the hardihood to move, that "means be granted to enable the prince to resume his state and dignity!" But this inconsistent and insulting motion was "_too bad_," and, in defiance of even the boroughmongers, was negatived.

The supplies voted for the public service this year amounted to above FIFTY-SIX MILLIONS! We really wonder of what materials Englishmen were composed to allow such iniquitous grants.

Ministers again declared war with France, and men and money were in no inconsiderable request. The French Consul possessed himself of Hanover, and threatened an invasion of England, which frightened ministers to put the country in a state of defence. But was not this a political _ruse_?

Mr. Addington was not so popular as his predecessor in the capacity of minister; he had not so much hardihood as Mr. Pitt, and was not calculated to endure the load of obloquy which he received, as he considered himself free from the charge of having destroyed the prospects of his country by the immense debt then contracted; for that was the arrangement of Mr. Pitt. Mr. Addington was merely a _tool_ in the hands of others.

Those who knew the intricate and perplexed state of affairs within the court were only able to judge how long Mr. Addington's ministry would continue, and also, WHY it was brought into action. Alas! not merely or intentionally to satisfy the liberal politicians, or to change any part of the long misrule of the former minister. Widely opposite were the motives which proved the main-spring to the meditated result. The queen again intended to press the king for an increase of income, to a serious amount, for her favourite spendthrift, and she asked the minister how it might be best attained. The plan was therefore concerted, and as Pitt dared not so soon again ask for further advances, a new minister _might_ be induced to do it, if s.h.i.+elded by the royal message.

If such conduct were not juggling and acting with the most abominable treachery and hypocrisy, we must for ever give up our claim to the possession of one iota of common understanding. As we proceed, we will explain to the gentle or indignant reader, whichever he may be, in what way our enormous "national debt," as it is called, was contracted, when we have no doubt that he will be as incensed as ourselves, and will be ready to exclaim, "Was this the policy pursued by that paragon of her s.e.x, Queen Charlotte?--she who was at all times revered for her _piety_, and admired for her inexpressible and _unspotted virtue_!" Yes, reader, the very same; the only difference is, you have formerly beheld her in _borrowed_ plumes,--_we_ present her in _her own_!

Let us here recur to the consideration of the treatment, exercised against the Princess of Wales by her abominable husband and his vindictive mother. We formerly alluded to some confidential communications made by her to his majesty. The suspicious and mean characters then placed about her person reported to the queen every interview which the king had with his daughter-in-law, and maliciously, represented the imprudence of such an intimacy. From this time, the Prince of Wales _professed_ to believe his father was _improperly_ interested in the cause of the princess, and spies were placed in various situations, to give notice of all visits the princess received and paid. Notwithstanding, the plotters' most ardent wishes were disappointed, and they could not fix upon any action, which they were able to prove, to affect her honour or virtue. In the mean time, Caroline's only child was removed from her, without the enjoyment of whose endearing society life was a mere blank.

In proportion as the prince was applauded, and the queen supported him, so was the princess abused and insulted. With respect to pecuniary affairs, every honest and upright person saw the strange disproportion in the incomes of the several members of the family; for the princess, who had to keep an entirely distinct and separate establishment at her sole expense, was allowed no more than twenty-two thousand pounds per annum, while the other members, who were chiefly expensive to the king, had their salaries granted without reference to this subject. Yet it was expected that the etiquette of rank should be maintained, and with an equal ostentatious display as if means were proportionately provided to defray such expenses. Although living upon the establishment of the king, the queen's real independent income was fifty-eight thousand pounds a year! Ought we not to ask why the princess was thus neglected and shamefully insulted?--left in debt, and in extreme perplexity of circ.u.mstances, for which the family must ever be considered mean and unjust? How was her royal highness to act in such a trying case? If she had retired to _private_ life, her enemies would have p.r.o.nounced her an improper person to retain the high station which she had formerly occupied. If appearances were to be maintained, and royal splendour continued, she must mix with _certain_ society, and debt be the inevitable consequence. The princess felt there were points, beyond which a virtuous, insulted female could not shew forbearance; and she, therefore, resolved no longer to endure the galling yoke of oppression, without farther explanation.

We now proceed to the year

1804,

which commenced amidst much political dissension at home, and preparations for increasing desolation abroad.

His majesty's health now became very indifferent, and, in February, an official bulletin announced his malady. It was reported to be a very slight attack; though we are sorry to say it was, to the king, productive of great pain and agitation of mind by the misrule of the queen, and the improprieties of his family! Little did the nation at large imagine that the family of the sovereign (to whose individual income they had so promptly and munificently contributed) were the causes of his acute anxieties! His sons were deeply embarra.s.sed by PLAY, their female connexions chiefly of the most abandoned character, and their engagements in the world, generally speaking, far beyond their powers to discharge. His daughters were also composed of the FRAILTIES of human nature. Born and educated in a court, under the severe tuition of their mother, they believed themselves of superior worth. The pleasures and enjoyments of life were ever waiting for their acquiescence, and their exercise on horseback, attended by _certain_ persons, occupying _certain_ stations in life, afforded them a variety of opportunities for conversation, in which the _softest subjects_ met the ear!

At this period also, the king's already-distracted mind was farther embittered by what he considered the loss of virtue in one of his daughters; and the agony he endured, lest the circ.u.mstance should transpire to the public, would defy any language to depict.

After calmness, in some measure, was restored to his majesty's wounded feelings, his health gradually improved, and, on the 29th of March, he was declared to be convalescent.

On the resignation of Mr. Addington, Mr. Pitt again a.s.sumed the reins of government, and appointed his _protege_, Mr. Canning, treasurer of the navy. Why do not the many biographers of this political character explain the reason, if every thing were fair and straightforward, of his quitting office in 1801, because the Catholic question was forbidden to be mentioned, and returning to it in 1804, under an express stipulation that no member of the government should agitate it contrary to the royal inclination? Was the promise that had been given only binding for _three years_? Was Mr. Canning's secession from office a trick? Was his return to it a sacrifice,--a sacrifice of honour and principle,--to the miserable gratification of obtaining _power_? Alas! the public had little to thank Mr. Canning for; but they knew not, at that time, his love of place and pension.

In October, it was said the king and prince were _reconciled_; but the substance of that reconciliation was not made known to the nation. The queen had resolved to oblige her favourite son, and promote his wishes, by finally relieving him from any farther engagements with the princess, his wife; though of the various abominable schemes then in action, the king was kept entirely ignorant.

In this year, the health of Mr. Pitt began to fail; his ardour seemed cooled, and he experienced short intervals of extreme debility and pain.

In the year

1805,

certain existing evils rendered it needful and expedient, in the opinion of the ministry, that the English nation _should fear_ an invasion from Buonaparte. We will say WHY they deemed it necessary.

Because the burdens of the poor were already immense, and it was requisite to give an _excuse_ for stripping thousands of families of their scanty apparel, their few mean and simple articles of furniture, and their humble home, for the purpose of enabling the "hydra-headed monster" of corruption to pursue his unlimited course over this insulted nation! And what could be better to effect this object than alarming the country with the fear of an invasion? The diabolical scheme too fatally succeeded!

In order to strengthen the power of the queen at this period, Mr. Pitt renewed his connexion with Mr. Addington, who was raised to the peerage by the t.i.tle of _Viscount Sidmouth_, and succeeded the Duke of Portland as president of the council.

The minister, Mr. Pitt, cool as he was on many iniquitous subjects, could not avoid feeling pangs of remorse at the continual impositions he was _compelled_ by the queen to make (in various shapes) upon the people. His unbending pride, however, would not permit him to name his uneasiness to her majesty, as he well knew her inflexible temper and disposition would not permit her to receive _any opinion_ in preference to her own. He soon resigned his earthly vexation upon this point, as he became so indisposed as not to be able to attend his political affairs, and was obliged to seek for repose in retirement from active life.

At the commencement of the year

1806,

parliament was opened by commission; but the usual address was omitted, on account of the absence of the minister, who, as before stated, was then seriously indisposed.

On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired, in the forty-seventh year of his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty thousand pounds were voted as a plea to discharge his debts, as well as means to defray the expenses of his funeral! Probably this was the best laid-out money of the ministry for some time past. If the occasion had occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the country!

The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praise to the faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his biographers shall have lost their force, future generations will behold his character in its native colours. He must then appear either in the light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of being reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life, he was not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial system which he had laid down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve, (probably acquired from his queen) that banished every suitor from his presence; nor did he ever suffer a case of distress, however just or pressing the claims might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained his natural sullenness and reserve; even in the best moments of convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition, or an openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended, yet he never had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any measure, originating in himself, that brought on that necessity. But what a departure was this from the principles of his ill.u.s.trious ancestor, the Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any sovereign or cabinet, when militating against his own more enlightened judgment. He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or, if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this n.o.bleman, however, pursued far different maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs and infamy of office; for _infamous_ it most certainly was, to practice measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on more just or n.o.ble principles, and never did man forsake those principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations, and at a happy crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honorably fulfilling them, in advancing the liberty and happiness of the country, he was eternally launching out into vapid and unmeaning encomiums on the boasted excellencies of the British const.i.tution, instead of adhering to his solemn contract, of exerting all his influence and abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this minister, his caution and plausibility were admirably calculated to entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned it to the best account, labouring with all his zeal to inculcate a belief of the flouris.h.i.+ng state of the national finances, enforcing every circ.u.mstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every truth that would serve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man, then, be regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate?

After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the ministry; and, at the same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the cabinet! But Mr. Fox did not retain his situation long. His health soon after declined, and he died on the 13th of September following.

Of this great statesman, we may say, "take him for all in all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot; possessed of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause of LIBERTY. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture.

He permitted private friends.h.i.+p, in one instance, to over-balance his public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of Commons, in April, 1787, which must have been against his conscience. He there _denied_ the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs.

Fitzherbert, when, in fact, _he a.s.sisted at that very marriage_; but, because he had engaged secrecy to the prince, he thought proper to utter a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject!

Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping queen, and perhaps impelled the ardour of her determination to get her favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable, was the obtaining some doc.u.ment as evidence _against the moral character of the princess_. By the queen's express desire, therefore, Lady Douglas had removed her abode, nearly six years previously, close to Blackheath, and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against the princess.