The Pullman Boycott Part 7

"In this hour of need the duty of the Peoples Party is clear and plain.

"Quick as the lightning's flash will bear the message, must go forth that the Peoples Party recognize the gravity of the situation, and by common impulse aligns itself to the side of the toiler in the shop and mine, and on the railroads; their battle is our battle, because it is a struggle for liberty and the right to exist--a peaceable contest on the part of toil against the combined armies of greed and force.

"The farmer knows the means best calculated to help his brother in this conflict. The railroads intend to run their trains under military guard and expect American citizen to patronize public means of traffic, operated under military despotism. The Peoples Party of Cook county, in common with organized labor demand immediate arbitration, and urges immediate action on the part of our national committee to the end that all organizations in sympathy with labor be united in common cause against a common enemy.

"Signed: T. O'Brien, Chairman, I. H. Hawley, Sec'y.

H. S. Taylor, Henry Vincent, John Bagley, D. M. Fielwiler, John Schwartz, C. G. Dixon, J. P. Grimes, Committee."

CHAPTER XIII.

AN OFFER OF SETTLEMENT.

Senator Pfeffer, of Kansas, arraigned congress for its defence of monopolies, and its stand against the people. Senator Kyle, of Dakota, also charged congress with being in collusion with the railroads, but Senator Davis, of Minnesota, on the other hand, denounced Debs and the strikers. He said the strike grew from a strike to a boycott, from boycott to riot, from riot to insurrection, that the acts, if committed on the high seas, would be piracy and punishable by death. He spoke of the injustice being done the farmers of the United States, and how they were effected by the strike in Chicago. He urged that it was time some action should be taken to put down the rising tide of anarchy. He held that a nuisance should be abated and that Debs was a nuisance.

Senator Gordon, of Georgia, and Senator Daniels, of Virginia, followed in the same kind of demagoguery as Davis.

A great meeting was held in Dubuque, and prominent among the speakers was County Attorney Mathews who insisted on obedience to law, but denounced Judge Grosscup for issuing an injunction which denied the const.i.tutional right of free speech and trial by Jury.

Mayor Hopkins, of Chicago, Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, Michigan, and Erskine M. Phelps conferred with Mr. Wickes, and Mrs. Brown and Runnell of the Pullman Company at the request of some fifty mayors, representing about one-third of the population of the United States--and urged arbitration as a means of settling the strike. The efforts of these gentlemen were in vain. The imperious Pullman company through its representative, though not saying so in as many words, intimated that the company would not establish a precedent whereby workmen could interfere in its business. Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, corresponded with almost every mayor of the larger cities of the United States, and received answers favorable to arbitration from all with one exception, that of Mayor Gilroy, of New York City, whose answer to the telegram of Mayor Pingree was an emphatic no.

The wildest excitement now prevailed at Sacramento. The United States troops commanded by Col. Graham and consisting of infantry, cavalry, artillery, and gatling and Hotchkiss guns, presented a most war like aspect. The strikers on learning of this movement on the part of the government armed themselves, and it was feared that a desperate conflict would take place.

The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers in this district called upon Supt. Filmore of the Southern Pacific and stated that they were ready to resume work at once. This weakened the cause of the strikers to some extent and caused a smile of satisfaction on the faces of the railroad managers.

After much persuasion due to the untiring efforts of Congressman McGann, President Cleveland consented to appoint a committee of three to investigate the strike, under section 6 of the arbitration act, prepared some years ago under the eyes of Powderly, McGuire and Hays of the Knights of Labor, offered by Representative Quail, of St. Louis, and made a law on Oct. 1, 1888. This determination on the part of Cleveland was received with satisfaction throughout the country. This was just what the American Railway Union wanted. This was what the Trades and Labor Unions of the United States had appealed for, and what the business men and city representatives had so long demanded, begged and entreated of the Pullman company, but without avail.

It looked at this time as if an investigation would be forced on Duke Pullman, and the people were looking forward to a speedy settlement of the trouble. The American Railway Union, having no fear of the final decision of the investigating committee, and viewing the vast amount of destruction of property, loss of life and extreme hards.h.i.+p to which the people were subjected on account of the strike--decided to take the necessary steps to call off the strike, they drew up the following proposition which was given to Mr. Hopkins, mayor of Chicago, to present to the general managers.

"To the Railway Managers:

"Gentlemen:--The existing trouble growing out of the Pullman strike having a.s.sumed continental proportions, and there being no indications of relief from the wide spread business demoralization and distress, incident thereto, the railway employes, through the board of directors of the American Railway Union respectfully make the following proposition as a basis of settlement:

"They agree to return to work in a body at once, provided they shall be restored to their former positions without prejudice, except in cases, if any there be, where they have been convicted of crime. This proposition looking to an immediate settlement of the existing strike on all lines of railway is inspired by a purpose to subserve public good.

The strike, small and comparatively unimportant in its inception, has extended in every direction until now it involves or threatens not only every public interest, but the peace, security and prosperity of our common country. The contest has waged fiercely, it has extended far beyond the limits of interest originally involved, and has laid hold of a vast number of industries and enterprises in nowise responsible for the difference and disagreements that led to the trouble.

"Factory, mill, mine and shop have been silenced. Widespread demoralization has sway. The interests of multiplied thousands of people are suffering, and the common welfare is seriously menaced, The public peace and tranquility are imperiled, and grave apprehension for the future prevails. This being true, and the statement will not be controverted, we conceive it to be our duty as citizens and as men, to make extraordinary efforts to end the existing strife and approaching calamities whose shadows are even now upon us. If ended now, the contest, however serious in some respects, will not have been in vain.

"Sacrifices have been made, but they will have their compensations.

Indeed, if lessons shall be taught by experience, the troubles now so widely deplored will prove a blessing of inestimable value in the years to come. The difference that led up to the present complications need not now be discussed, every consideration of duty and patriotism demands that a remedy for existing troubles be found and applied. The employes purpose to do their part by meeting their employers half way. Let it be stated that they do not impose any condition of settlement except that they be returned to their former positions; they do not ask recognition of their organization or any organization.

"Believing this proposition to be fair, reasonable and just it is respectfully submitted with the belief that its acceptance will result in the prompt resumption of traffic, the revival of industry, and the restoration of peace and order.

"Respectfully, E. V. DEBS, Pres.

G. W. HOWARD, V. Pres.

S. KELLIHER, Secy.

American Railway Union."

The proposition was rejected and spurned by the General Managers a.s.sociation.

Is there a man so utterly lost to the sense of justice, that would conscientiously dispute the manly fairness of this communication?

The object of the general managers was too apparent, their position was clearly defined. Their determination to wipe out of existence all railroad organizations was as fixed and unmovable as the Rock of Gibraltar and why should they recede from their position?

The federal courts and federal government (owned and controlled by the corporations) decided that the const.i.tutional rights of free speech and trial by jury, equal rights to all and special privileges to none, was a farce. In their narrow money-loving minds there could be no rights for honest labor, and determined there should be no rights for a workingman. After this decision of the general managers the American Railway Union could do nothing but fight out the battle to the bitter end.

Eugene V. Debs,--representing a body of honest toilers with no other motive than to obtain for them living wages, his heart overflowing with generous impulses and humane kindness, his n.o.ble nature revolting against the tyrannical oppression of his fellow man by the soulless corporations, a man who loves his country with patriotic devotion,--for these reasons and no other, was indicted and arrested on the charge of criminal conspiracy, while John M. Egan--representing the General Managers a.s.sociation, a giant monopoly and powerful money grasping trust, built on the people's land and with the people's money, a combination foreign to American inst.i.tutions, usurping the functions of the government with avowed intent and purpose to take away the rights of organization from the working man and reduce him to a condition of absolute slavery,--was allowed to continue his nefarious work without interruption. Surely this partial, one-sided distribution of justice, openly and defiantly administered, deserves the severest condemnation of every loyal American citizen.

The Pullman boycott had now ceased to be the point at issue in the strike. It was now the life or death of railroad organizations.

CHAPTER XIV.

DEBS IN JAIL.

The strike situation still looked very bright for the men.

At St. Paul and Minneapolis the business of the railroads, with the exception of the Soo Line, St. Paul & Duluth and the Great Northern, was practically at a standstill.

On the St. Paul & Duluth the men as a whole refused to strike, a few firemen and switchmen left their positions at the call but did not seriously affect the operation of trains. This was also true of the Soo Line. The Great Northern so far was not implicated as they used no Pullman cars and positively refused boycotted freight, that is, freight offered by railroads whose employes were on a strike. The Minnesota Transfer, which was the key to the coast lines, was completely blocked, and this condition was duplicated in almost every railroad center throughout the country.

Encouraging telegrams were being received from all points contradicting the reports circulated by a subsidized press that everything was running as usual. So far the men in the Twin Cities were conducting themselves in such an orderly manner that even the press could not rake up one charge against them. They strictly adhered to the advice of President Debs to keep out of saloons and away from railroad property. The only action taken by the strikers was to induce other men by moral persuasion not to take their places and a.s.sist the managers to operate the roads.

For this Charles J. Luth was foully murdered by one Leonard, chief clerk in the office of James McCabe, superintendent of the C., St. P., M. & O.

Ry.

On the evening of July 14, Leonard, in company with Bert Nash, also an employe of the same railroad, brought a lot of non-union men to a boarding place in St. Paul, known as the Minnesota Home. Luth followed them into the house and requested the proprietress of the Home not to board them as they were in the city to take the place of strikers, and while explaining the situation, became involved in an altercation with Nash. Leonard interfered and was told by Luth that he was little better than a scab, whereupon Leonard drew a revolver and fired five times, all of the shots taking effect in the body of Luth. Two of the shots were fired after Luth had fallen to the floor.

These facts were given by an eye witness who afterwards took the revolver from Leonard.

This dastardly, cold blooded murder worked the strikers into a frenzy of excitement, and had it not been for a herculean effort on the part of older and cooler heads, a lynching would surely have occurred.

This foul deed was absolutely unwarranted as Luth was unarmed and alone, and if he had harmed or threatened to harm any one, an officer could have been called and he would have been promptly arrested.

Luth left a wife and two small children to mourn his loss and grieve over his tragic end.

The funeral procession that followed the remains to the grave headed by the Knights of Pythias and Foresters, was the largest ever seen in St.

Paul.

President Debs felt confident of victory. Addressing a meeting at Ulrich Hall, he said:

"We have just finished reading 160 telegrams in not one of which there is any sign of weakening." He dwelled on the action of the general managers refusing to entertain the proposition made to them, and the necessity of the men remaining loyal to one another. "The law seems to be against us as it is read by some, but if the law makes it a crime to advise you men against the encroachments of capital, by all the G.o.ds united I will rot in jail." Referring to the att.i.tude of other railroad organizations, he said: "Men in such positions as myself and Mr. Howard cannot afford to be on good terms with general managers. If we are we cannot be your friends. It is true, however, that certain officers of certain other organizations ride on annual pa.s.ses and spend months on fis.h.i.+ng excursions at the expense of the railroad managers, but it comes out of your wages in the end."