Sir Christopher Wren Part 1

Sir Christopher Wren.

by Lucy Phillimore.

PREFACE.

The materials necessary for writing a life of Sir Christopher Wren are so difficult of access as possibly to explain the unsatisfactory character of such biographies as do exist. Mr. James Elmes, who venerated Wren's genius, published in 1823, a Life which contained a careful if a dry account of Wren's architectural works and of some of his scientific discoveries. He also published a smaller work, 'Sir C.

Wren and his Times,' intended perhaps to give a flavour of personal interest to the other volume. Neither book succeeds in doing this, and both have suffered from the circ.u.mstance that Mr. Elmes' failing eyesight did not permit him to correct the proofs of either work, and accordingly many serious errors as to names and dates stand unaltered in them. There is a sketch of Wren in the British Family Library, one published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and one in the 'Biographica Britannica,' but in them all it is with some of the works of the great architect that we become acquainted, not with himself.

The chief authority to which any biographer of Wren must perforce turn is, the 'Parentalia, or Memoirs of the Family of the Wrens: viz., of Matthew, Bishop of Ely; Christopher, Dean of Windsor and Registrar of the Garter; but chiefly of Sir Christopher Wren.' This work, a folio, with portraits[1] of the three whose lives it records, was published in London in 1750, dedicated to Mr. Speaker Onslow. It was chiefly written by Christopher, the eldest surviving son of Sir Christopher Wren, finished and finally published by Stephen Wren, M.D., the second and favourite, son of the Mr. C. Wren above mentioned, 'with care of Joseph Ames,' a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. Several copies were presented to the University of Oxford.

The 'Parentalia,' of which but a small edition was published, is now scarce and little known. It is put together, not quite at hap-hazard, but with no real method or order: digression ensues upon digression until all clue to the original date or subject is lost. Nor is the very imperfect 'index of names' of any real a.s.sistance in the labyrinth thus created. Yet, with all its faults, the book is of great interest, and bears amidst all errors and omissions an unmistakably genuine stamp.

'Bishop Wren's Diary,' reference to which will be frequently found in the following pages, was kept by him in the blank leaves of 'Pond's Almanack,' after this fas.h.i.+on:

'August 30.--_Per vim hostilem eripior domo mea._ 1642.'

These entries cease with the death of his wife in 1646; even his own release from prison is not mentioned.

The old heirloom copy of the 'Parentalia' intrusted to the writer of these pages contains a large additional number of prints and wood engravings by Virtue, Vandergucht, Loggan, and others, some printed accounts of the City Churches, and several letters, rough drafts of treatises, Garter records, and other MSS. in the handwritings of the Bishop, the Dean, Sir Christopher himself, and of some of their correspondents. Among the curious omissions of the 'Parentalia' are the maiden name of Bishop Wren's wife, the date of the death of Sir Christopher's mother, Mrs. Mary Wren, and the places and the dates at which either of Sir Christopher's two weddings took place. Some of these and other gaps I have, by the aid of 'Notes and Queries,' been able to supply. Wren's son and grandson are both alike silent on all political matters subsequent to the Restoration. The Popish Plot, the Trial of the Seven Bishops, King James's Abdication, the Landing of William of Orange are all pa.s.sed by in perfect silence. The traditional politics of the Wrens were certainly those of the loyal Cavalier party, and they were in favour at the Court of the Stuarts.

It is curious how all political colouring disappears from the record after the period of the Restoration. Yet Sir Christopher, his cousins, and the very Mr. Wren who writes the book were all in Parliament, and that in more or less critical times. Such accidental hints as there are point, I think, to Sir Christopher as adhering, though very quietly, to the politics of his ancestors; and a.s.suredly neither he nor his descendants had any cause to love the house of Hanover!

Wren was a steady Churchman, bred up in that school of Andrewes, of Laud, and of Matthew Wren, which, if it was anti-Puritan, was equally and emphatically anti-Roman. For this reason, if for no other, after the trial of the Seven Bishops had shaken the confidence of every Churchman in the country, Wren may have acquiesced in a settlement which appeared to promise protection to the Church without finally excluding the Stuart line. The 'Parentalia,' published five years after the last Jacobite rising in 1745, preserves, as has been said, a political silence which may be that of discretion or of disappointment.

One word should be said as to Gresham College, where Wren held his first professors.h.i.+p. It was founded in 1579 by the will of Queen Elizabeth's great merchant Sir Thomas Gresham. The college was no other than his own house in Bishopsgate, forming a quadrangle round a large garden. The seven professors, each of whom gave a lecture a day in term time, had a salary of 50_l._ a year and were lodged in the house. Gresham College escaped the Fire, and gave lodgings at that time to the Lord Mayor and the aldermen, who had been less fortunate. In 1768 it was pulled down by Act of Parliament, to give a site to the new Excise Office, and the original collegiate scheme was destroyed, though the lectures are still given in a lecture hall.

Little is known of Wren in his Masonic capacity. He is said to have been a member and a master of the 'Old Lodge of S. Paul,' now known as the 'Lodge of Antiquity.' All the records of the Lodge belonging to that time have unfortunately been lost, so that they cannot be consulted with reference to this matter.

The question has been raised whether Wren was a Freemason or not. On this point the 'Parentalia' makes no explicit statement, though it appears to imply Wren's connection with the Order.

The Duke of Suss.e.x caused a plate to be engraved in 1827 and affixed to the mallet which Sir Christopher was said to have presented to the Lodge, with this inscription:--'A. L. 5831. A.D. 1827. To commemorate that this, being the same mallet with which His Majesty King Charles II.

levelled the foundation stone of S. Paul's Cathedral, A. L. 5677, A.D.

1673. Was presented to the Old Lodge of S. Paul, now the Lodge of Antiquity, acting by immemorial const.i.tution, by Brother Sir Christopher Wren, R.W.D.G.M., Wors.h.i.+pful Master of this Lodge and Architect of that Edifice.'

The statement respecting King Charles's presence is probably an erroneous one. The Lodge possesses also three gilt wooden candlesticks in the form of columns, inscribed 'Ex dono Chr. Wren Eq. A. L. 5680.'

Where quotations have been made directly from the Wren MS., from the 'Parentalia,' or from Evelyn's Diary, the spelling and stopping of the originals have been faithfully reproduced. For the rest, the writer can only hope that these pages may serve as a contribution towards that full and worthy biography of the great architect which may yet, she trusts, be written before London is finally robbed of the Churches with which Wren's genius endowed her.

_August 1, 1881._

FOOTNOTES:

[1] From which the three vignettes in this volume are taken.

CHAPTER I.

1585-1636.

ANCESTRY OF THE WRENS--MATTHEW WREN--TRAVELS TO SPAIN WITH THE PRINCE OF WALES--INTERVIEW AT WINCHESTER HOUSE--BISHOP ANDREWES'

PROPHECY--WREN MADE MASTER OF PETERHOUSE--BISHOP OF HEREFORD--CONSECRATION OF ABBEY DORE--OFFICE OF RECONCILIATION--FOREIGN CONGREGATIONS AND THE NORWICH WEAVERS--RESULT OF 'A LECTURER'S' DEPARTURE.

Time, like an ever-rolling stream Bears all its sons away.

The name of Christopher Wren is no doubt familiar to the great majority of English people, and to Londoners especially; but it is to many of them little more than a name with which is connected S. Paul's Cathedral and a now, alas! diminished number of City churches. Yet the great architect's ninety-one years of life were pa.s.sed among some of the most stirring times of our history, in which his family played no inconsiderable part, and he himself was not only the best architect of his day, but was also the foremost in many other sciences. A singularly patient and far-seeing intellect aiding a strong religious faith enabled him 'to keep the even tenour of his way' through a life of incessant labour and considerable temptation. It has been truly said,

'It seems almost like a defect in such a biography as that of Wren, that it presents nothing of that picturesque struggle, in the rise from a lower to a higher condition, which has so commonly attended the conquest of genius over difficulty.'[2]

Far otherwise, the Wren family was an old one, tracing its descent from the Danes; one of the house fought in Palestine under Richard I., and his fame long survived, as in Charles I.'s time it was quoted against one of the knight's descendants.

In 1455, during the reign of Henry VI., in the Black Book (or register) of the Order of the Garter, mention is made of a Wren who probably belonged to this family:--

'The Lord of Winchester, Prelate of the order, performed the Divine Service proper for S. George the Martyr, but the Abbots Towyrhill and Medmenham being absent, were not excused, in whose stead Sir William Stephyns read the gospel and Sir W. Marshal the epistle, both of them singing men of the king's choir. The dean of the same choir presented the gospel to the sovereigne to be kissed, and the next day celebrated Ma.s.s for the deceased, Sir J. Andevere and John Wrenne a.s.sisting in the reading of the epistle and gospel. The reader of the gospel, after censing the reader of the epistle, reverently tendered the heart of S. George to the sovereigne and knights in order to be kissed.'

The heart of S. George was presented by Sigismund, Emperor of Germany, on his admission to the Order of the Garter.

The spelling of 'Wrenne' was a very common form of the family name, and it seems very likely that John Wrenne belonged to this family, who were much connected with S. George's, Windsor.

[_OLD FAMILY MOTTO._]

William Wren was in Henry VIII.'s time the head of the family; his younger brother Geoffrey, who was a priest, was of Henry VII.'s privy council, and was confessor both to him and to Henry VIII. He held the living of S. Margaret's, Fish Street, in the City of London, from 1512 till his death.[3] Geoffrey Wren was also a canon of S. George's at Windsor, where he founded the seventh stall. There he died in 1527, and was buried in the north aisle of the chapel under a bra.s.s bearing his effigy in the Garter mantle, with this inscription at his feet:

'Sub saxo ponor, et vermibus ultimis donor, Et sicut ponor, ponitur omnis honor.'[4]

This tomb and bra.s.s have disappeared, as has the 'South Lodge' with its window displaying his coat of arms and emblem; the latter, a wren holding a trefoil in its claw, and his motto--'Turbinibus superest coelo duce praescius.' Dean Wren explains this emblem as chosen because, 'the trefoil or clover shrinking before a storm foretold a change of weather,' and the wren was supposed to have the same prescience. Both motto and emblem were changed by the descendants of the family.

William Wren's grandson, Francis, was born 1552, two years before the close of Queen Mary's reign, at Monk's Kirby in Warwicks.h.i.+re, where the family had property. He was a mercer and citizen of London, and was steward to Mary Queen of Scots during her captivity in England. He married Susan, daughter of William Wiffinson; they lived in the parish of S. Peter's Cheap, and had three children: a daughter Anna, and two sons; Matthew, born 1585, and Christopher, born 1589. Both were educated at the Merchant Taylors' School, and there Matthew especially attracted the notice of Lancelot Andrewes, then Dean of Westminster, who frequently came to the school where he had been bred, and examined the boys in various subjects, particularly in the Hebrew Psalter. He was struck by the proficiency of the eldest of the Wrens, and obtained for the boy a scholars.h.i.+p at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, of which he was himself master. From that time Dr. Andrewes appears never to have lost sight of Wren, but to have guided his studies and fostered 'the most pa.s.sionate affection for the ministry of the Church' which the young man showed. Nor was Wren's university life undistinguished, for he became Greek scholar of his college, and when King James visited Cambridge, Matthew Wren, then in priest's orders, 'kept the Philosophy Act' before him with great applause. The subject given was, 'Whether dogs were capable of syllogisms.' Old Fuller says of this extraordinary 'Act,' 'he kept it with no less praise to himself than pleasure to the king; where if men should forget even dogs should remember his seasonable distinction what the king's hounds could perform above others by virtue of their prerogative.'[5] Probably this speech and its ready wit remained on the mind of the King, who dearly loved a compliment to the royal prerogative, and determined him to favour Matthew Wren.

[_MATTHEW WREN._]

Lancelot Andrewes, who had been Bishop of Chichester, was in 1609 translated to Ely, and so enabled to watch over the University and 'to search out,' as he entreated his friends to do also, 'hopeful and towardly young wits,' and train them up for Holy Orders.[6] He made Matthew Wren his chaplain, gave him the living of Feversham in Cambridges.h.i.+re, and some years later made him a canon of Winchester. But very different duties from the ordinary ones of a parish priest devolved upon Wren. King James planned for the Prince of Wales the famous 'Spanish match,' and gave a most reluctant consent to the Duke of Buckingham's scheme, that the Prince should himself go to Spain to fetch home his bride. Two of his chaplains were to attend the Prince, and by the advice of Bishop Andrewes and of Laud, then Bishop of S. David's, Dr. Leonard Maw, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Dr. Matthew Wren were chosen. The Prince and Buckingham departed hastily, leaving the chaplains and suite to follow as they could. King James had no sooner allowed the expedition than he repented of it, and being unable to recall his permission, was tormented by a thousand fears for the Prince's safety. The nation was in a state of ferment, persuaded that the Prince's faith would be tampered with as well as his person endangered. Thus the two chaplains had by no means an enviable post.

They went down to Newmarket, took their leave of the King and received his last instructions:--

'So as all their behaviour and service should prove decent and agreeable to the purity of the Primitive Church, and yet so near the Roman form as can lawfully be done; "for," said he, "it hath ever been my way to go with the Church of Rome _usque ad aras_."'[7]

'The two bishops gave them also written and detailed instructions that there might appear a face of the Church of England in all forms of wors.h.i.+p; that in the sermons there may be no polemical preachings to inveigh against the Romanists or to confute, but only to confirm the doctrine and tenets of the Church of England by all positive arguments either in fundamental or moral points.'

A full list followed of vestments for the clergy, ornaments and hangings for the altar, and altar lights, Latin service books, directions for a room to be adorned chapel-wise, and for frequent services, all to be read in Latin so that the Spaniards might comprehend them. All this careful provision seems to have been defeated by the fact of the Prince and his suite being lodged in the palace at Madrid, so that there was no public service, only bed-chamber prayers. Contemporary letters show that the chaplains' position was not an easy one, though the Prince remained steadfast, and in the congenial atmosphere of the dignified Spanish court became every day more gracious. 'Dr. Wren forbears,' says one of these letters, 'to write any particulars, but intimates all is not as it should be.' It was no doubt a necessary precaution on the chaplain's part to preserve this discreet silence, but it is tantalising to have only a hint concerning the transactions in Spain. How the negotiations were delayed, how the King recalled the Prince and the marriage was broken off, are historical facts too well known to need repet.i.tion here.

One result seems to have been a strong bond of affection between the Prince and those who went with him on this singular expedition.

[_RETURNS FROM SPAIN._]

That his departure was attended with some sea-peril appears from one of Edmund Waller's[8] early poems on 'the Danger which His Majesty, being Prince, escaped in the Road at S. Andero':--