The Life of Philip Melanchthon Part 4

The Theologians, (there were twelve present,) a.s.sembled to deliberate.

Nine princes and cities signed the German copy of the Confession; and because they had no further time to spare, they took Melanchthon's ma.n.u.script as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, but it being too late, the reading of the Confession could only take place on the following day, Sat.u.r.day, June 25, 1530.

This day, which has become one of the most important in the History of the Evangelical Church, came at last. Spalatin says: "One of the greatest deeds ever accomplished in the world has been done this day."

The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of the Empire, and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there a.s.sembled, to listen to the reading of the Confession of Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German Confession so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in the hall, but also in the court, where a great mult.i.tude was a.s.sembled. It contained two parts, the first including all the doctrines of Faith, the other the disputed articles. On account of our limited s.p.a.ce, we shall but briefly touch upon the different articles, as every one, especially every Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the Confession of his Church. We have more need of it at this time than formerly, for the ancient errors arise with renewed vigor, and may easily shake one who is uncertain in his belief.

_First_--1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, of G.o.d the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we become pious and righteous before G.o.d. 3. How all men are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is.

5. How we attain G.o.d's Grace. 6. How preaching is necessary towards Justification. 7. How Faith must produce good fruits and works. 8. What the general Christian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efficacious, even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Baptism, against the Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holy Sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are a.s.sured and may be certain that G.o.d, for Christ's sake, will be gracious, kind and merciful to us, and do us good in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers of the Church. 15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they are not to be observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of human laws and order. 17.

That Christ will come at the last day, to judge the quick and the dead, to give everlasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that we have a free will to be pious outwardly, but not before G.o.d. 19. That sin comes from the perverted will of the devil and wicked men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this is true Faith, that we are heartily a.s.sured of every good, Grace and help from G.o.d, for Christ's sake, and that Faith without Works, such as G.o.d has commanded, is dead. And 21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we should expect all good from G.o.d, as the saints did, and that we should imitate their faith and love, but call upon G.o.d alone.

Then, in the _second_ part, follow the disputed articles: first, 22. Of the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distribute them to all. 23. Of ma.s.s, how it is observed among us, and why we have rejected secret ma.s.ses. 24.

Of priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of cloister vows.

26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of confession. 28. Of the power of the Bishops, and the difference between the spiritual and temporal sword.

These twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple, scriptural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could withhold its approbation from them. It is impossible to say what impression they made upon the Emperor. It is well known that he was not very well acquainted with the German language. Besides this, he no doubt had previously also decided upon the course he would take. When the two copies were being handed to his secretary, he graciously took them into his own hands. He gave the German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself, and caused it to be translated into Italian and French for himself. He intimated to the Lutherans, that he would consider the matter further, but expected that they would not print the Confession.

However, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so that the Lutherans were forced to publish the correct Confession.

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of G.o.d's hand, ruled the Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why do we make G.o.d a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim; just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already, June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says: "At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head, in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the Papists? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command, and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner.

G.o.d has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly needed such a mode of address more and more.

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men, whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon."

Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil, he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword.

If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to strike a decisive blow in the beginning.

With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without knowing his true character, entered into negotiations. After an humble letter, Campegius sent for the writer. Let us hear Veit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and eulogist, relate the particulars of the interview: "The day after, when the whole company was a.s.sembled, Philip was summoned, who enters with a firm mind. He saw himself surrounded by a circle of serpents and devils, and like the prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale.

Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible lightnings of his highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others vehemently threaten the poor and small flock of the helpless sheep of Christ with the power and force of so many kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether they would yield, he replied: "We cannot yield nor forsake the truth. But we pray for G.o.d's and Christ's sake that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and will dispute with us, as they are able, _i. e._, will yield that to us which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When Campegius heard this, he shrieked: "I cannot, I cannot, because the key does not err."

To this thundering, although Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of lions, wolves, and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without punishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little body, he now boldly replied: "We commend our cause to the Lord G.o.d. If G.o.d be for us, who can be against us? And finally, come what will, we must abide by our fortune or misfortune."

Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this, especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon, on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in religion is to be thought of."

While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were busily engaged with the task laid upon them by the Emperor, in refuting the Confession of the Protestants. He had recommended moderation to them, when the first draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, Faber, Wimpina, Cochlaeus, and others. The last one composed it. What good thing could be expected of these men? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to Camerarius: "I hear that their refutation is finished, and will make its appearance in two or three days. It is said that the Emperor will order all things to remain as they were, until these disputes shall be examined in a Council. This is to be the end of the deliberations. And if this decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what troubles will be the consequence." At last, after having awaited it for a long time, the princes and electors were summoned, on the 3d of August, to hear the _Confutation_ of the Augsburg Confession. This doc.u.ment follows the same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines in 21 articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. Although it acknowledged many things in doctrine, as agreeing with the Catholic church, it did not depart in the slightest degree from Roman principles, and strictly adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption; and in the article of Good Works, it maintained that the good works which are performed by the help of Divine grace, are meritorious. It also refuses to allow that faith alone justifies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon satisfaction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes all human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds fault with the Lutherans, because they deny that we can by our works earn forgiveness of sins, and also because they reject the adoration of the saints. It is not willing to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position with the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the priests and monks, and maintains the ma.s.s, with all its antiscriptural characteristics. In short, it will not cast aside any abuses. The Emperor really regarded this untenable production as a refutation of the Confession of the Protestants; and gave these to understand that it was his will that they should compromise matters with the other Christian states, and should not separate themselves from the general Christian church. If this should not take place, which the Emperor did not expect, he should act as it became him, as the guardian and protector of the Holy Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Melanchthon speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 6th: "This was the sum and substance of it, which, although it seemed very harsh, yet, as the Confutation was executed in a very childish manner, our friends became quite cheerful after it was read; for this Confutation is the paragon of all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. In speaking of the two kinds, he referred to the history of the sons of Eli, that they would ask the priests for a piece of bread, and proved from this that laymen should only receive the bread. The ma.s.s has been defended by particularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a copy of the Confutation after it had been read, but could not obtain it. Even if the Emperor had now been inclined to act severely, a quarrel arose in the midst of the Catholic camp, because they could not agree among themselves in regard to the steps that should now be taken.

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops a.s.sembled to agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector JOACHIM, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away with by the a.s.sistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds--marriage of the priests, and the Evangelical ma.s.s. The Evangelical states declared that they did not intend to retreat from the word of G.o.d, although they were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the Papists wish to remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the Sacraments according to Christ's inst.i.tution, why then you shall not yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle philosopher, Philip!"

Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and therefore he could no longer contain himself in Augsburg, but suddenly and unexpectedly to all, left the city August 6. This excited great attention; however, the proposed plan to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee of fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians Melanchthon, Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, Wimpina, and Cochlaeus, was not prevented by it. They met together from the 16th of August until the 21st. On motion of Chancellor VEHUS of Baden, the Augsburg Confession was examined, article after article. They agreed in many articles, but in Justification Eck would not admit that we are justified by faith alone, for that would make rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies more than Faith. Because he did not like the word _sola_, which means "alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism: "Let us for the present send the soles to the cobbler." However, he found Melanchthon a man who stood immovable in the main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew somewhat pa.s.sionate, the princes present entreated them to maintain peace.

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two kinds, the marriage of priests and the ma.s.s. There were in all 14 points on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end; for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."

Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and among other things replied thus: "Summa Summarum, I do not like it at all that you are endeavoring to treat of Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely impossible, unless the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons of our faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can we hope to convert them to the truth?" And concluded thus: "Why do we not perceive that all they are attempting is mere deception and fraud? For you are not able to say that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost; for they have neither Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of G.o.d. But may the Lord, who began this matter, finish his work in you; to him I heartily commend you."

On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which only Melanchthon and Eck were to meet each other. But upon this occasion Melanchthon took a bolder and more decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following day: "Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stubborn. I cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were attending to these matters on my account, and not in the name of the prince, I would by no means endure this insolence. But now I must endure all, because of the common danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our friends are at times depressed, and again unseasonably brave. However, I trust we shall do nothing against the Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he spoke of the ma.s.s, which the Papists demanded. Luther replied that they could not consent, and says in his letter of August 28, "Would to G.o.d that I might soon see you again, whether you had departed secretly or publicly. You have even done more than enough. And now it is time for the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. Be of good cheer, and trust in him." And further on: "You have confessed Christ; you have offered peace; you have been obedient to the Emperor; you have patiently borne much contempt; have been overwhelmed with shame and abuse; and have not returned evil for evil. Summa, you have managed this holy work in a proper manner, as it became saints. Rejoice in the Lord, and be joyous, ye righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough in this world; look up, and lift up your heads; I promise heaven to you, as faithful members of Christ. What greater honor do you desire? Is it so small a matter to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved yourselves faithful members of Christ? Far be it from us, that the Grace of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by you. I await your return with great anxiety, so that I may wipe away your sweat after this."

All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not effect peace, so that the committee adjourned August 30, and Melanchthon wrote to Luther September 1: "Three days ago we brought our Conference to a conclusion. We would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon of Private Ma.s.ses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priesthood. Now the matter has again been laid before the Emperor, and I do not know what will be done.

Let us only pray G.o.d that he may influence the heart of the Emperor to maintain peace, which we need so much, and not we alone, but all Germany. You cannot believe how the Nurembergers and others hate me on account of the restoration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this manner do our friends merely contend for power, and not for the Gospel.

A certain friend wrote: If the Pope had bribed me with never so much money, I could not have invented a better plan to restore the papal supremacy than the one we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have not, up to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doctrine."

Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single doctrinal point, he was yet justly to be blamed for wis.h.i.+ng to restore jurisdiction to the Bishops. How soon would they have suppressed the true doctrine! Jerome Baumgartner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses himself very strongly in regard to him: "Philippus has become more childish than a child;" and calls upon Spengler: "You will do your part, and write to Dr. Martin Luther, that he, as the one by whom G.o.d first again revealed his word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, and should warn the pious princes, and especially his own sovereign, against him, and exhort them to be steadfast. For no man has done more harm to the Gospel during this Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This judgment is indeed too severe; and Baumgartner, at a later period, himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. It is true, also, that Melanchthon did not only defend Episcopal jurisdiction during the Diet of Augsburg, but has also expressed his approbation of it in a number of places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church.

September 7.--The Emperor summoned the Evangelical States to appear before him. His answer, given by the Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick, was an ungracious one. He had heard with displeasure that they disagreed with others in the princ.i.p.al articles. He would speak with the Pope in regard to a General Council, yet on the condition that they would, in the mean time, adhere to the Catholic Church. But the Protestants now behaved like true Protestants, by declaring that they would abide by the word of G.o.d. The more moderate Catholics, at the head of whom were the Baron of Truchsess, and Vehus, the Chancellor of Baden, once more made efforts to bring about an accommodation, but without success. There were thirteen articles on which they could not unite.

These were delivered to the mediators just mentioned. The _first_ treats of justification through grace by faith in Christ; the _second_, that works indeed are necessary, but do not earn grace. The _third_ declares that the enumeration of particular sins is not needful in confession; the _fourth_, that repentance is necessary, but that our sins are not forgiven on this account, but on account of our faith, by which we believe the Gospel; the _fifth_, declares the ecclesiastical exercises of penance unnecessary for the remission of punishment; and the _sixth_ declares that uniform human ordinances are not, but unity in doctrine and sacrament are needful to const.i.tute a true unity. The _seventh_ rejects the self-elected service of G.o.d, by which men wish to earn his grace, and which has been established without G.o.d's command. The _eighth_ declares monastic vows, which men consider meritorious, opposed to the Gospel. The _ninth_ permits the observance of such rules of the Church as may be kept without sin, but not as if they were needful to salvation. The _tenth_ declares the invocation of saints to be a very dangerous practice, and one greatly diminis.h.i.+ng the glory of Christ. The _eleventh_ declares that the denial of the cup is opposed to Scripture; and the _twelfth_, that the prohibition of marriage to priests is also unscriptural. The _thirteenth_ and last article maintains that the ma.s.s is not a work with which to earn grace, but that grace is offered in the Lord's Supper, and faith obtains it.

After all attempts to bring about an agreement had been made, the Emperor summoned the States on the 22d of September, in order to present to them the final decree of the Diet. He declared their positions thoroughly refuted by the holy Gospels and other writings, but would give time for further deliberation on the contested points until the 15th of April of the following year. During this time they should not print or sell anything new in matters of faith, should not draw over any one to join their sect, should not oppress those yet holding to the old Christian faith and practice, and unite with him in opposing the Sacramentarians and Anabaptists. He would endeavor to bring about that a General Council would be summoned in six months. The Protestants replied, by Chancellor Bruck, that they considered their Confession to be founded on the word of G.o.d, and that it was divine truth, so that they trusted to abide by it in the day of judgment. At the same time, Bruck also presented a written defence, which the Emperor, however, would not accept. This was the well-known _Apology_ of the Augsburg Confession, in its rough draft. Melanchthon had been preparing it for some time, with the a.s.sistance of several theologians. But as he only received a copy of the Catholic Confutation towards the close of the Diet, he laid this sketch aside, and prepared one of his ablest works, the _Apology of the Augsburg Confession_, which has justly been enrolled among the number of the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. He did not, however, complete it until the following year. The Protestants prayed for a more gracious discharge, but the Emperor adhered firmly to the decree. On this account, the Elector of Saxony, together with Melanchthon and the other theologians, departed from Augsburg September 23d, leaving a few counsellors to hear the general final decree of the Diet.

When Luther heard of the departure of the Elector, he was much rejoiced, and congratulated the prince: "I am heartily rejoiced that your Electoral Grace has, by G.o.d's grace, escaped from the h.e.l.l at Augsburg.

And although human displeasure, and its G.o.d the devil, may look sour, we still entertain the hope that G.o.d's grace, which hath begun with us, will remain more strongly with us in time to come." The Elector pa.s.sed through Nuremberg to Coburg, where Luther was expecting him with the greatest anxiety. On the road to Wittenberg, the theologians stopped in ALTENBURG, to visit Spalatin. Melanchthon, who was constantly revolving his Apology of the Augsburg Confession in his mind, wrote even while partaking of his meals. But Luther s.n.a.t.c.hed the pen from his hand, and said: "We can serve G.o.d, not only by labor, but also by rest; therefore, too, has he given us the third commandment, and ordained the Sabbath."

At last they arrived in Wittenberg. How Melanchthon rejoiced! To his friend Silberborner, who had asked him for an account of the Diet of Augsburg, he now wrote a detailed letter, in which he expressed himself favorably of the Emperor, _e. g._: "Without referring to other matters, he has with great condescension heard our side in this matter of religion, in which he had been excited against us by the many wonderful arts of our enemies." "The remaining history of the Diet const.i.tutes a lengthy tragedy." He now briefly describes the course of events, and says: "The remotest posterity will bear testimony, that our intentions were pious and conscientious, and that we exerted ourselves honestly to clear up the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to promote the glory of Christ. This truly is the reasonable service of G.o.d, with which he is pleased above all things: To teach and practise the word of G.o.d in its purity. Even should we be overwhelmed by unfair means, our writings will undoubtedly transmit to posterity a picture of our opponents, who, while they excite princes against us, under the pretext of serving the honor of Christ, neither care for the temple of the Church, nor for the doctrine of the Gospel, nor for the Glorification of the name of Christ.

However, the whole matter is in the hand of G.o.d. Therefore will we pray to G.o.d that, for Christ's sake, he would put mild means in the hands of our rulers, and that he may not suffer the pure doctrines of the Gospel to perish."

On the 19th of November, the final general decree of the Diet was published. It was very severe, for it condemned everything taught by the Lutherans in opposition to the Roman Church; it confounds them with the Anabaptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine and practice shall be abolished, and the former state of things re-established. The Protestants did not sign it. Thus a division between the Catholic and Evangelical states was fully accomplished.

CHAPTER XII.

THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.

The severe decree of the Diet, which even threatened violence, was at least productive of this good result, that it united the Evangelical party more closely. Whereas the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had formerly dissuaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took a very different turn. In view of the threatening att.i.tude of the Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that it was necessary to be prepared for defence; and Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, January 1st, 1531, that they were seldom asked the question now, whether it was right to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from preparation. "For there may be many needful and just causes for defence." One of these causes was the threatening language of the decree of the Diet of Augsburg. The election of the Emperor's brother FERDINAND, as King of Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the Emperor, was another threatening event,[15] although Melanchthon defended it in a special opinion, delivered December 12, 1530. He referred to similar cases in former times. During the month of December of this year, the Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a league, March 29, 1531. Both Conferences were held in SMALKALD. The confederates declared that they had united "for the honor of Almighty G.o.d, and the better growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain and maintain a Christian and harmonious peace," yet "only for mutual defence and preservation." This league, therefore, neither contemplated an attack, nor war. The Emperor, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose Sultan, SOLYMAN, had already declared that he would soon be master of Hungary, and the whole of Germany, considered it most advisable to conciliate, under existing circ.u.mstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of Mentz, acted as mediators.

While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with the most anxious apprehensions, so that he feared the worst, he now said in a letter to Camerarius, when he heard of this mediation: "May G.o.d regard the sighs and tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace!" This wish seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor in Nuremberg made preparations for a Religious Peace. Melanchthon, Luther, and other Theologians, expressed their approbation in a written opinion.

On July 23, 1532, the so-called _Religious Peace of Nuremberg_ was actually agreed to, according to which no State was to give offence to any other, on account of Religion or other matters, until the meeting of a Council, soon to be held; and "that each was to treat the other with true friends.h.i.+p and Christian love." At last a period of rest seemed to have been granted to Melanchthon, that child of peace; but it was not to continue very long. For it was no slight pang to his heart to be called with Luther to Schweinitz, to the death-bed of the Elector JOHN. The Elector had gone thither to hunt. On the 15th of August he was suddenly attacked by such a severe pain in his head, that he soon lost the power of speech, and remained motionless, and deprived of all sense and feeling, for 28 hours. On Friday, these two men of G.o.d, accompanied by Dr. Augustin Schurff, appeared by his bedside; the Elector raised both hands and dropped them again, and breathed his last. On the following Sunday the body of the pious Elector was deposited by the side of that of his brother Frederick. Melanchthon had, in a very touching manner, invited the University to attend the funeral. He said in this letter: "that the departed manifested a truly paternal affection towards his subjects." After Luther's consoling funeral sermon, Melanchthon spoke of the excellent traits of the sainted one in Latin. In his letters, written at this time, he expresses the most cordial wishes in regard to the successor of the departed one, the Elector JOHN FREDERICK. We have heard of this son, that he trod in the footsteps of his father. He was a man full of zeal for the cause of the Kingdom of G.o.d, and, as we shall learn hereafter, honored by the Lord to endure contempt, the robbing of his Electorate, and fetters, for the sake of the Gospel. But he at this time already found opportunity to show the strength of his faith. The Religious Peace of Nuremberg seemed lenient, and even favorable to the Protestants, compared with the final decree of the Diet of Augsburg. It was but too soon apparent that the Catholic States, who had very unwillingly yielded to these concessions, were not pleased with it. For at the Diet of Ratisbon, which was held soon after the Nuremberg Religious Peace, they already wished to grant less to the Evangelical party. Notwithstanding all the a.s.surances of peace, the Emperor entertained no good intentions towards them. He only postponed matters on account of the perplexing circ.u.mstances by which he was surrounded.

They were again referred to a general, free, Christian Council, which, according to the announcement, should be held in half a year.

It appears, that in the following year, 1533, Pope Clemens VII. actually took steps towards a.s.sembling a Council. For in June he sent a legate, accompanied by an Imperial orator, to the Elector, who then resided in Weimar. Although the Papal Nuncio spoke of a free, general Council, he at the same time took away all liberty with the other hand, by demanding in advance that all should submit to the resolutions of the Council. On the following day the Elector returned a truly Christian and princely answer. He expressed his joy at this offer, but remarked that he could only give a reply after the next meeting in Smalkald. In conclusion, he confessed that his contemporaries and successors should learn: "That his Electoral Grace had not hitherto regarded, and with the help of G.o.d would not in all the future days of his life regard anything as being more valuable and worthy of his love, than the pure, saving and blessed word of G.o.d, and the true and proper wors.h.i.+p of G.o.d." The Elector now gathered the opinions of his Theologians, who indeed advised the acceptance of the offer of a Council, but under this condition that no pledge of obedience should be required in advance. In the middle of June, Melanchthon declared himself to the following purpose: "The Pope says, that he would hold a Council, such as have been held in the Church before. Now Councils at the present time are not conducted as the ancient Councils were. For in the ancient Councils they judged according to the word of G.o.d." This advice was not forgotten by the Elector, who, together with Duke Ernest and the Landgrave Philip, delivered an answer to the Nuncio of the Pope and Emperor on the 30th of June, 1533. Of course the Pope, who was merely dissembling, suffered the matter to remain as it was.

While the Evangelical party was held in an att.i.tude of suspense, they could still cultivate and spread the cause of the Lord. It increased in popularity, and spread more and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon particularly, did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by their writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, already mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces; and as one of the Confessions of our Church, deserves to be studied and taken to heart. He concludes its Preface in the following words: "We have, thanks be unto G.o.d! the testimony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious persons, who heartily thank G.o.d for his unspeakable gifts and mercies, that they have received far more correct, certain and clearer instruction in the most needful portions of the entire Scriptures, as well as consolation for their consciences, than is to be found in all the books of our adversaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear truth be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause to Christ and G.o.d in heaven, who is the Father of widows and orphans, and the Judge of all the forsaken; he, we know with certainty, will consider this matter, and judge righteously; and thou, Lord Jesus, it is thy holy Gospel, it is thy cause: wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts and consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer terror and distress from the devil, and also preserve and establish thy truth?

Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, and thus give peace and unity, that thy honor may advance, and thy kingdom may flourish and increase without ceasing against the gates of h.e.l.l."

In September, 1532, he published a new edition of his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter of great surprise that he dedicated this volume to Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained much honor in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to have trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said: "The man is possessed by St. Valentine." But it is well known that he sent a very costly present to the scholar at Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who regarded it as sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th, 1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that even the Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered a patron of the arts and sciences, saw himself compelled to do honor to Melanchthon. His distinguished reputation elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It was, no doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to Poland, in the year 1534; but it must have been difficult when Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who had been banished from his dukedom for a long time, but had now regained it by the help of the landgrave Philip of Hesse, invited Melanchthon to reform the University of Tubingen according to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment to Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that he declined this call from Wurtemberg. The Elector was so highly pleased with this, that he himself wrote a letter to his Professor, praising him for his fidelity, and a.s.suring him of his favor.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.

The reigning King of France, FRANCIS I., as well as King HENRY VIII., of England, were little pleased with the victorious advances of the Emperor. Francis had waged war against him some years before this, but was completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle of Pavia, 1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain conditions, after one year of captivity; but inveterate enmity remained, for Francis had suffered great losses. It was to be expected that such a man would unite with the enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He recognized an ally in the League of Smalkald, which was daily a.s.suming a more decided form. But the principles of this League were quite different, for it aimed princ.i.p.ally to secure spiritual rights, while the King of France was merely prompted by ambition.

But the Reformation had also penetrated into France, and he may have thought that it would be expedient to do something in reference to ecclesiastical matters. He was persuaded to this by his minister, William Bellay, his brother John Bellay, Bishop of Paris, and particularly also by John Sturm, of Strasburg, who was favorably disposed towards the Reformation. These men endeavored to gain over the King for the cause of the Reformation, and recommended the amiable Melanchthon to him, who was already known to him, and also highly esteemed by Queen Margaret of Navarre.[16] When the King sent an amba.s.sador, Barnabas Voraeus Fossa, to Germany, in 1534, in order to unite with the Evangelical States, Bellay, the minister, requested the man of peace, Melanchthon, to state, in a written opinion, in what way a union might be brought about between the divided parties. He complied with this request, and on the first of August sent a very conciliatory opinion to the minister, in which he gave prominence to eight articles.

In the _first_, he grants outward power to the Pope and the Bishops, provided "they do not abuse their power to suppress the true doctrine."

In the _second_, that it would be easy to agree about _non-essentials_, such as meats, holidays, dress of the priests, and similar ceremonies, provided there would be uniformity in doctrine. In the _third_, he expresses himself in favor of retaining _Confession_, but without the superst.i.tious enumeration of sins. In the _fourth_, he treats of _Justification_. It is now generally conceded that faith in Christ is necessary. It is necessary to insist upon it, that a man is justified by faith. In the _fifth_, he speaks of the _Ma.s.s_. This is an almost inextricable knot. He declares himself opposed to secret ma.s.ses, and demands both kinds in the Sacrament. In the _sixth_, he speaks of the _Invocation of Saints_. This is opposed to Scripture. Yet he proposes the following form, after the pattern of ancient forms in the Church: "Grant, O G.o.d, that they may be a.s.sisted by the prayers of the Saints."

In the _seventh_, he says of _Convents_, that it is not necessary utterly to destroy them, but that it was rather to be preferred that they should become schools, as they formerly were. Yet no one ought to be detained in a convent against his will. In reference to the _Celibacy_ of the clergy, he says, in the _eighth_, that the Pope ought to abolish it. They might select unmarried men for the highest dignities. It would be possible to come to an agreement on all the articles, with the exception of the one on the Ma.s.s. After adding: "Let us beseech Christ, that he would in mercy regard and lead back to a cordial true unity, the Church for which he prayed and suffered," he says, that he had only written these things, in order that learned men might jointly deliberate upon such important matters.

It was a long time before anything was heard of the effect of this Opinion. However, at last, in the month of March, 1535, JOHN STURM broke this silence in a manner not very agreeable to the friends of the Reformation. The king was highly incensed against the friends of these novelties, who seemed to him to check a too rapid advance. He even permitted his rage to lead him to burn several of them.[17] Very little could be hoped for the kingdom of G.o.d, from a man of this character.

However, Sturm strongly urged Melanchthon to come to France, because the king reposed the greatest confidence in him, and called himself his pupil. On the 22d of April, Melanchthon wrote a suppliant letter to Bishop Bellay, that he would exert his influence to arrest the persecution. In his reply to Sturm, on May 4th, he said that he had never found it more difficult to decide in any matter, than in reference to this journey to France. "But you must not think that I am restrained by domestic ties, or that I fear any danger. For nothing human is so important in my eyes, that I would not prefer the honor of Christ, the salvation of so many of the righteous, and the peace of the Church, to it. But I am thinking of, and exceedingly troubled by this _one_ apprehension, that I am doubtful whether I would indeed accomplish any good by going." At the close of the letter, he advises that the king, if he desired to do anything for the honor of Christ, and the peace of the Church, should be earnestly entreated to convene a council, in order to discuss the affairs of the Church. He would attend this, provided he could obtain the permission of his sovereign. But what happened? What, indeed, he did not think of in the remotest degree. The king addressed him in a most friendly letter, on June 23. The French Amba.s.sador delivered this letter in person, which closes in the following manner: "Your coming will give me great pleasure, whether you come as a private individual, or in the name of the Evangelical states." At the same time Bellay, who had been made a Cardinal in the meantime, and Sturm, pressed him to come, and gave him the strongest a.s.surances of a happy result.

The latter concluded his lengthy letter in the following manner: "I exhort, yea, I conjure you, in the name of Christ, not to neglect this opportunity to further the best of causes among men." Towards the end of the month of July, Melanchthon left Wittenberg on account of the appearance of the plague, and with some other teachers resided in JENA, until the middle of February. When he had received such a pressing invitation to come to France, and also a safe-conduct, he proceeded to Torgau, where the Elector was sojourning at the time, and in writing applied for leave of absence for two or three months. Luther also seconded Master Philip's application, by a most earnest pet.i.tion. He said: "May it please your Grace to permit M. Philip to venture for these three months, trusting to the grace of G.o.d. Who knows what it may please G.o.d to do, whose thoughts are at all times higher and better than our own? As for myself, too, it would pain me that so many pious hearts, who so anxiously call, and certainly expect M. Philip, should be disappointed, and might also be led to entertain evil thoughts concerning us." But the Elector was of a different opinion. He understood King Francis' relation to the Emperor at this time, far too well, to be anxious unnecessarily to excite the suspicions of the latter against himself. He therefore refused the request of his pet.i.tioner.

Perhaps he also entertained the opinion, not altogether without foundation too, that Melanchthon might yield too much, "which would displease many, and do great harm to the Gospel." He said to Dr. Bruck, in the most positive manner: "We are determined, once for all, that Philip shall not go with our permission and good will, even if we should, in consequence, lose his services altogether."