Plutarch's Lives Volume II Part 20

[Footnote 254: The Roman Province of Asia. Compare Appian (_Mithridat.

War_, c. 54, 55) as to the terms of the peace.]

[Footnote 255: The death of Aristion is mentioned by Appian (_Mithridat. War_, c. 39); but he does not speak of the poisoning.]

[Footnote 256: Maedike appears to be the right name. Thucydides (ii.

98) calls the people Maedi: they were a Thracian people. Compare Strabo (p. 316). Appian (_Mithridat. War_, c. 55) speaks of this expedition as directed aguinst the Sinti, who wore neighbours of the Maedi, and other nations which bordered on Macedonia, and annoyed it by their predatory incursions. Sulla thus kept his soldiers employed, which was the practice of all prudent Roman commanders, and enriched them with booty at the same time.]

[Footnote 257: This is the old town called Krenides, or the Little Springs, which King Philippus, the father of Alexander the Great, restored and gave his name to. It was near Amphipolis on the river Strymon. (See Life of Brutus, c. 38.)]

[Footnote 258: The Troad is the north-west angle of Asia Minor, which borders on the h.e.l.lespont and the aegean Sea (the Archipelago). The name of the district, Troas in Greek, is from the old town of Troja.

Strabo (lib. xiii.) gives a particular description of this tract.

The narrative of this affair in Appian (_Mithridat. War_, c. 56, &c.) differs in some respects from that of Plutarch, and this may be observed of many other events in this war. Appian is perhaps the better authority for the bare historical facts; but so far as concerns the conduct and character of Sulla on this and other occasions, Plutarch has painted the man true to the life.

Sulla left L. Lucullus behind him to collect the money. (See Life of Lucullus, c. 4.) The story of Fimbria in Appian (_Mithridat. War_, c.

69, 70) differs from that of Plutarch in some respects, but it is near enough to show that though these two writers apparently followed different authorities, Plutarch has given the facts substantially correct.

When Sulla was within two stadia of Fimbria, he sent him orders to give up the army, which he was illegally commanding. Fimbria sent back an insulting message to the effect that Sulla also had no right to the command which he held. While Sulla was throwing up his intrenchments, and many of Fimbria's soldiers were openly leaving him, Fimbria summoned those who still remained to a meeting, and urged them to stay with him. Upon the soldiers saying that they would not fight against their fellow-citizens, Fimbria tore his dress, and began to intreat them severally. But the soldiers turned a deaf ear to him, and the desertions became still more numerous, on which Fimbria went round to the tents of the officers, and bribing some of them, he called another meeting, and commanded the soldiers to take the oath to him. As those who were hired by him called out that he ought to summon the men by name to take the oath, he called by the crier those who had received favours from him, and he called Nonius first who had been his partner in everything. Nonius refused to take the oath, and Fimbria drew his sword and threatened to kill him, but as there was a general shout, he became alarmed and desisted. However he induced a slave by money and the promise of his freedom to go to Sulla as a deserter, and to attempt his life. The man as he came near the act was alarmed, and this gave rise to suspicion, which led to his being seized, and he confessed. The army of Sulla, full of indignation and contempt, surrounded the camp of Fimbria, and abused him, calling him Athenion, which was the name of the fellow who put himself at the head of the rebel runaway slaves in Sicily, and was a king for a few days. Fimbria now despairing came to the rampart, and invited Sulla to a conference.

But Sulla sent Rutilius; and this first of all annoyed Fimbria, as he was not honoured with a meeting, which is granted even to enemies. On his asking for pardon for any error that he might have committed, being still a young man, Rutilius promised that Sulla would allow him to pa.s.s safe to the coast, if he would sail away from Asia, of which Sulla was proconsul. Fimbria replied that he had better means than that, and going to Pergamum and entering the temple of aesculapius, he pierced himself with his sword. As the wound was not mortal, he bade his slave plunge the sword into his body. The slave killed his master, and then killed himself on the body. Thus died Fimbria, who had done much mischief to Asia after Mithridates. Sulla allowed Fimbria's freedmen to bury their master; adding that he would not imitate Cinna and Marius, who had condemned many persons to death at Rome, and also refused to allow their bodies to be buried. The army of Fimbria now came over to Sulla, and was received by him and united with his own.

Sulla also commissioned Curio to restore Nicomedes to Bithynia and Ariobarzanes to Cappadocia, and he wrote to the Senate about all these matters, pretending that he did not know that he had been declared an enemy.]

[Footnote 259: Thyateira was a town in Lydia about 45 miles from Pergamum.]

[Footnote 260: The original is simply "after being initiated;" but the Eleusinian mysteries are meant. The city of Eleusis was in Attica, and the sacred rites were those of Ceres and Proserpine (Demeter and Persephone). Those only who were duly initiated could partake in these ceremonies. An intruder ran the risk of being put to death. Livius (31, c. 14) tells a story of two Akarnanian youths who were not initiated, and during the time of the Initia, as he calls them, entered the temple of Ceres with the rest of the crowd, knowing nothing of the nature of the ceremonies. Their language and some questions that they put, betrayed them, and they were conducted to the superintendents of the temple; and though it was clear that they had erred entirely through ignorance, they were put to death as if they had committed an abominable crime. Toleration was no part of the religious system of Antiquity; that is, nothing was permitted which was opposed to any religious inst.i.tution, though there was toleration for a great variety. Many ill.u.s.trious persons were initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, which were maintained until Christianity became the general religion of the Empire. Marcus Aurelius, when he visited Athens, was initiated. The ceremonial of the temple may be collected to a certain extent from the ancient writers, but no one has yet succeeded in divining what were the peculiar doctrines of this place.]

[Footnote 261: Much has been written about this story, which cannot be literally true. The writings of Aristotle were not unknown to his immediate followers. If there is any truth in this story as told by Plutarch and Strabo (p. 608) it must refer to the original ma.n.u.scripts of Aristotle. Part of the text of Plutarch is here manifestly corrupt.

The subject has been examined by several writers. See art.

"Aristotle," _Biog. Dict._ of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and Blakesley, _Life of Aristotle_, Cambridge 1839.]

[Footnote 262: This is Strabo the Geographer, but the pa.s.sage is not in the Geography, and probably was in an historical work [Greek: Hupomnaemata historika] ?p???ata ?st?????, Strabo, p. 13) which he wrote, and which is cited by Plutarch in his Life of Lucullus, c. 28.]

[Footnote 263: These warm springs, which still exist, are on the west coast of Euba, opposite to the mainland. They were much resorted to in Plutarch's time, as appears from his Symposium (iv. Probl. 4). The place is named Galepsus in Wyttenbach's edition, but in a note the editor admits that the true name is aedepsus. Demetrius Calatia.n.u.s (quoted by Strabo, p. 60), who had recorded all the earthquakes in Greece, says that the hot springs at Thermopylae and at aedepsus once ceased to flow for three days owing to an earthquake, and those of aedepsus, when they flowed again, broke out in a fresh place. The hot springs near Cape Therma in Euba are supposed to be those of aedepsus.

They are more copious than the springs of Thermopylae on the opposite mainland, but of the same kind. "The water rushes down in a copious stream into the sea, the vapour from which is visible at a considerable distance." (_Penny Cyclopaedia_, art. "Euba.")]

[Footnote 264: Halaeae should probably be written Halae. It was near the Euripus, within Botia and on the borders of Phokia. (Pansaunias, ix.

24.)]

[Footnote 265: The usual pa.s.sage from Italy to Greece and Greece to Italy was between Brundisium and Dyrrachium. Compare Appian, _Civil Wars_, c. 79.]

[Footnote 266: This phenomenon is mentioned by Strabo (p. 316), Dion Ca.s.sius (41, c. 45), and aelian (_Various History_, 13, c. 16). I do not know if this spot has been examined by any modern traveller. It is a matter of some interest to ascertain how long a phenomenon of this kind has lasted. The pitch-springs of Zante (Zakynthus), which Herodotus visited and describes (iv. 195), still produce the native pitch. Strabo, who had not seen the Nymphaeum, describes it thus after the account of Poseidonius: "In the territory of Apollonia is a place called the Nymphaeum; it is a rock which sends forth fire, and at the base of it are springs of warm asphaltus, the asphaltic earth, as it appears, being in a state of combustion: and there is a mine of it near on a hill. Whatever is cut out, is filled up again in course of time, as the earth which is thrown into the excavations changes into asphaltus, as Poseidonius says." We cannot conclude from this confused description what the real nature of the phenomenon was. Probably the asphaltus or bitumen was occasionally set on fire by the neighbouring people. (See the art. "Asphaltum," _Penny Cyclopaedia_.)]

[Footnote 267: The Cohors was the tenth part of a Roman Legion. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 82) says that on this occasion the opponents of Sulla made their cohorts contain 500 men each, so that a legion would contain 5000 men. According to this estimate there were 90,000 men under arms in Italy to oppose Sulla, who had five legions of Italian soldiers, six thousand cavalry and some men from Peloponnesus and Macedonia; in all forty thousand men. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 79.) Appian says that he had 1,600 s.h.i.+ps.]

[Footnote 268: This pa.s.sage is explained by the cut p. 287 in Smith's _Dict. of Antiquities_, art. "Corona."]

[Footnote 269: Caius Junius Norba.n.u.s and L. Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus were now consuls B.C. 83.]

[Footnote 270: Silvium is a town in Apulia on the Appian road, on the Apennines. As to the burning of the Capitol, see Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 86.]

[Footnote 271: Fidentia was in North Italy not far from Placentia (Piacenza): it is now Borgo San Donnino. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 92) speaks of this battle near Placentia, which Lucullus gained over some of Carbo's troops, not over Carbo himself, as is stated by some modern writers. Carbo was now in Central Italy.]

[Footnote 272: Sulla, with Metellus Pius, who had joined him (Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 80), met L. Scipio near Teanum in Campania. Sertorius was with Scipio. The circ.u.mstances are told by Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 86) as usual with more minuteness and very clearly. The main story is correct in Plutarch.]

[Footnote 273: Signia, now Segni, is in the Volscian mountains, 35 miles south-east of Rome. It was a Roman colony as old us the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, according to Livius (1, 55). This battle was fought B.C. 82, when Cn. Papinus Carbo was consul for the third time with the younger Marius. It appears that Sulla's progress towards Rome was not very rapid. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 87) places the battle at Sacriportus, the situation of which is unknown.]

[Footnote 274: Cn. Cornelius Dolabella was consul B.C. 81. He was afterwards Proconsul of Macedonia, and had a triumph for his victories over the Thracians and other barbarian tribes. C. Julius Caesar, when a young man (Caesar, c. 4), prosecuted B.C. 77 Dolabella for mal-administration in his province. Dolabella was acquitted.]

[Footnote 275: Praeneste, now Palestrina. This strong town was about 20 miles E. by S. of Rome near the source of the Trerus, now the Sacco, a branch of the Liris, the modern Garigliano.]

[Footnote 276: A Roman historian of the age of Augustus, who wrote Annals, of which there were twenty-two books.]

[Footnote 277: These were Cn. Pompeius Magnus, who afterwards was the great opponent of C. Julius Caesar; his Life is written by Plutarch: M.

Licinius Cra.s.sus, called Dives or the Rich, whose Life is written by Plutarch; Quintus Metellus Pius, the son of Metellus Numidicus; and P.

Servilius Vatia Isauricus, whom Sulla made consul B.C. 79, when he declined the office himself.]

[Footnote 278: Carbo lost courage and ran away. He got safe to the African coast, whence, with many men of rank, he made his way to Sicily, and thence to the small island of Cossyra. Cn. Pompeius sent men to seize him, who caught Carbo and his company: Carbo's followers were immediately put to death pursuant to the orders of Pompeius.

Carbo was brought to Pompeius, and placed at his feet in chains; and after Pompeius had insulted him who had thrice been consul by p.r.o.nouncing an harangue over him, Carbo was put to death, and his head was sent to Sulla. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 96.) The statement of Plutarch (_Pompeius_, c. 10) agrees with that of Appian. These and other acts of Pompeius should be remembered by those who are inclined to pity his fate. He was probably under a necessity to put Carbo to death pursuant to the orders of his muster Sulla, but the insult might have been spared.]

[Footnote 279: It is uncertain who he was. See Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, ii. Claudii No. 26.]

[Footnote 280: See c. 33. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 93) gives a different account of this affair before the Colline gate, but agrees with Plutarch in stating that Sulla's right wing was successful and the left was defeated. He says that Telesinus fell in the battle.]

[Footnote 281: Antemnae was a few miles from Rome, near the junction of the Tiber and the Anio (Teverone).]

[Footnote 282: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 93) briefly mentions this ma.s.sacre. It took place in the Circus Flaminius, which was near the temple of Bellona.

Plutarch here starts a question which suggests itself to all men who have had any experience. It is a common remark that a man who has been raised from a low degree to a high station, or has become rich from being poor, is no longer the same man. n.o.body expects those whom he has known in the same station as himself to behave themselves in the same way when they are exalted above it. n.o.body expects a man who has got power to be the same man that he was in an humble station. Any man who has lived a reasonable time in the world and had extensive conversation with it knows this to be true. But is the man changed, or are his latent qualities only made apparent by his changed circ.u.mstances? The truth seems to be that latent qualities are developed by opportunity. All men have the latent capacities of pride, arrogance, tyranny, and cruelty. Cruelty perhaps requires the most opportunities for its development; and these opportunities are power, fear, and opposition to his will. It has been well observed, that all men are capable of crime, but different circ.u.mstances are necessary to develop this capacity in different men. All have their price; and some may be bought cheap. He who is above the temptation of money may yield to other temptations. The possession of power is the greatest temptation of all, as it offers the greatest opportunities for the development of any latent disposition; and every man has a point or two in which he is open to the insidious attacks of opportunity. In matters political, the main thing is to know, from the indications that a man gives when he has not power, what he will be when he has power: in the ordinary intercourse of life, the main thing is to judge of the character of those with whom we deal by compulsion or choice, to know how far we can trust what they say, how far their future conduct may be predicted from present indications. But to show what these indications are, belongs, as Plutarch says, to another inquiry than the present. The general rule of old was Distrust, which the crafty Sicilian, as Cicero (_Ad Attic._ i. 19) calls Epicharmus, was always whispering in his ear. Epicharmus has well expressed his maxim in a single line:

[Greek: Naphe kai memnas' apistein: arthra tauta ton phrenon.]

??fe ?a? ??a?' ?p?ste??: ????a ta?ta t?? f?e???.

Wakeful be thou and distrustful: sinews these are to the mind.

This is the rule for the timid, and for them a safe one. But he who is always suspicious must not expect to be trusted himself; and when the bold command, he must be content to obey.]

[Footnote 283: This is not a Roman name. The nearest name to it is Aufidius. But it is conjectured that one Fufidius is meant here (see the note of Sintenis), and also in the Life of Sertorius (c. 26, 27).

This is probably the Fufidius (Florus, iii. 21, where the name is written incorrectly Furfidius in some editions) who said, that "Some should be left alive that there might be persons to domineer over."]

[Footnote 284: A Proscriptio was a notice set up in some public place.

This Proscription of Sulla was the first instance of the kind, but it was repeated at a later time. The first list of the proscribed, according to Appian (_Civil Wars_, i, 55), contained forty senators and about sixteen hundred equites. Sulla prefaced his proscription by an address to the people, in which he promised to mend their condition. Paterculus (ii. 28) states that the proscription was to the following effect:--That the property of the proscribed should be sold, that their children should be deprived of all t.i.tle to their property, and should be ineligible to public offices; and further, that the sons of Senators should bear the burdens incident to their order and lose all their rights. This will explain the word Infamy, which is used a little below. Infamia among the Romans was not a punishment, but it was a consequence of conviction for certain offences; and this consequence was a civil disability; the person who became Infamis lost his vote, and was ineligible to the great public offices. He also sustained some disabilities in his private rights. Sulla therefore put the children of the proscribed in the same condition as if they had been found guilty of certain offences.

The consequence of these measures of Sulla was a great change of property all through Italy. Cities which had favoured the opposite faction were punished by the loss of their fortifications and heavy requisitions, such as the French army in the Revolutionary wars levied in Italy. Sulla settled the soldiers of twenty-three legions in the Italian towns as so many garrisons, and he gave them lands and houses by taking them from their owners. These were the men who stuck to Sulla while he lived, and attempted to maintain his acts after his death, for their t.i.tle could only be defended by supporting his measures. These are "the men of Sulla," as Cicero sometimes calls them, whose lands were purchased by murder, and who, as he says (_Contra Rullum_, ii. 26), were in such odium that their t.i.tle could not have stood a single attack of a true and courageous tribune.]

[Footnote 285: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 94) states that Sulla made all the people in Praeneste come out into the plain unarmed, that he picked out those who had served him, who were very few, and these he spared.

The rest he divided into three bodies, Romans, Samnites, and Praenestines: he told the Romans that they deserved to die, but he pardoned them; the rest were ma.s.sacred, with the exception of the women and young children.]

[Footnote 286: L. Sergius Catilina, who formed a conspiracy in the consuls.h.i.+p of M. Tullius Cicero B.C. 63. (Life of Cicero.)]

[Footnote 287: Cn. Marius Gratidia.n.u.s, the son of M. Gratidius of Arpinum. He was adopted by one of the Marii; by the brother of Caius Marius, as some conjecture.]