A History of The Inquisition of The Middle Ages Volume I Part 29

Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Frag. Hist. Aquitan. et Frag. Hist. Franc.

(Pithi Hist. Franc. Scriptt. xi. pp. 82, 84).--Radulf. Glabri Hist.

III. 8, IV. 2.--Gesta Synod. Aurel. circa 1017 (D'Achery I.

604-6).--Chron. S. Petri Vivi.--Synod. Atrebat. ann. 1025 (Labbe et Coleti XI. 1177, 1178; Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 68).--Landulf.

Sen. Mediol. Hist. II. 27.--Gesta Episcop. Leodiens. cap. 60, 61.--Hermann. Contract. ann. 1052.--Lambert. Hersfeldens. Annal. ann.

1053.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 37.--Radulf. Ardent. T.I.P. ii.

Hom. 19.

Bishop Wazo's complaint that pallor was considered a positive proof of heresy was by no means a new one. In the fourth century it was regarded as sufficient to betray the Gnostic and Manichaean asceticism of the Priscillianists (Sulpic. Severi Dial. III. cap. xi.), and Jerome tells us that the orthodox who were pale with fasting and maceration were stigmatized as Manichaeans (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustoch. c. 5). To the end of the twelfth century pallor continued to be regarded as a diagnostic symptom of Catharism (P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78).

[83] Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 17.--Schmidt, op. cit.

I. 47.--Martene Thesaur. I. 336.

[84] Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampl. Coll. I.

776-778).--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 2 (ibid. II. 628).--Concil. Remens.

ann. 1157.--Hist. Monast. Vezeliacens. Lib. IV. ann. 1167.--Caesar.

Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 18.--Radulf. Coggeshall ubi sup.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 208.

[85] Alex. PP. III. Epist. 118, 122.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist.

No. 16.--Annal. Aquiciuctens. Monast. ann. 1182, 1183.--Guillel.

Nangiac. ann. 1183.

[86] Histor. Trevirens. (D'Achery II. 221, 222).--Alberic. Trium Font.

Chron. ann. 1200.--Evervini Steinfeld. Epist. (S. Bernardi Epist.

472).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. VIII.--Schmidt, I. 94-96.

[87] Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Matt. Paris.

Hist. Anglic. ann. 1166 (p. 74).--Radulf. de Diceto ann. 1166.--Radulf.

Coggeshall (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92).--a.s.size of Clarendon, Art.

21.--Petri Blesens. Epist. 113.--Schmidt, I. 99.

[88] The nomenclature of the heresy is quite extensive. The sectaries called themselves Cathari, or the pure. The origin of the term Patarin has been the subject of considerable dispute, but there would seem to be no doubt that it arose in Milan about the middle of the eleventh century, during the civil wars resulting from the papal efforts to enforce celibacy on the Milanese married clergy. In the Romance dialects _pates_ signifies old linen; rag-pickers in Lombardy were called Patari, and the quarter inhabited by them in Milan was known, even up to the last century, as Pattaria, or Contrada de' Pattari. Even to-day there are in Italian cities quarters or streets of that name (Schmidt, II.

279). In the eleventh-century quarrels the papalists held secret meetings in the Pattaria, and were contemptuously designated by their antagonists as Patarins--a name which was finally recognized and accepted by them (Arnulf. Mediolanens. Lib. III. cap. 11; Lib. IV. c. 6, 11.--Landulf. Jun. c. 1.--Willelmi Clusiens. vita Benedicti Abbat.

Clusiens. c. 33.--Benzon. Comm. de Reb. Henrici IV. Lib. VII. c. 2). As the papal condemnation of clerical marriage was stigmatized as Manichaean, and as the papalists were supported by the secret heretics, followers of Gherardo di Monforte, the name was not unnaturally transferred to the Cathari in Lombardy, when they became publicly known, and it spread from there throughout Europe. In Italy the word Cathari, vulgarized into Gazzari, was also commonly used, and came gradually to designate all heretics; the officials of the Inquisition were nicknamed Cazzagazzari (Cathari hunters), and even accepted the designation (Muratori Antiq. Diss, LX. Tom. XII. pp. 510, 516), and the word is still seen in the German Ketzer. The Cathari, from their Bulgarian origin, were also known as Bulgari, Bugari, Bulgri, Bugres (Matt. Paris, ann. 1238)--a word which has been retained with an infamous signification in the English, French, and Italian vernaculars. We have seen above that from the number of weavers among them they were also known in France as Texerant, or Textores (cf. Doat, XXIII. 209-10). The term Speronistae was derived from Robert de Sperone, bishop of the French Cathari in Italy (Schmidt, II. 282). The Crusaders who met the Paulicians (?a????a???) in the East brought home the word and called them Publicani, or Popelicans. More local designations were Piphili or Pifres (Ecbert. Schonaug. Serm. I. c. 1), Telonarii or Deonarii (D'Achery, II. 560), and Boni Homines, or Bonshommes. The term Albigenses, from the district of Albi, where they were numerous, was first employed by Geoffroy of Vigeois, in 1181 (Gaufridi Vosens. Chron. ann. 1181), and became generally used during the crusades against Raymond of Toulouse.

The various sects into which the Cathari were divided were further known by special names, as Albanenses, Concorrezenses, Bajolenses, etc.

(Rainerii Saccon. Summa. Cf. Muratori Dissert. LX.).

In the official language of the Inquisition of the thirteenth century, "heretic" always means Catharan, while the Vaudois are specifically designated as such. The accused was interrogated "Super facto haeresis vel Valdesiae."

[89] Schmidt, I. 63-5.--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (p.

462-3).--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1199 No. 23-5; ann. 1205 No. 67; 1207 No.

3.--Lami, Antichita Toscane, p. 491.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 298; II. 1, 50; v. 33; VII. 37; VIII. 85, 105; IX. 7, 8, 18, 19, 166-9, 204, 213, 258; X. 54, 105, 130; XV. 189; Gesta cxxiii.

[90] Schmidt I. 38.--Chron. Episc. Albigens. (D'Achery III.

572).--Udalr. Babenb. Cod. II. 303.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c.

3.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1148 c.

18.

[91] Concil. Turon. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Concil. Lombariense ann. 1165 (Harduin. VI. II. 1643-52).--Roger de Hoveden. ann. 1176.--D. Vaissette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, III. 4--Lowenfeld, Epistt. Pont. Roman. inedd.

No. 247 (Lipsiae, 1885).

[92] D. Bouquet, XIV. 448-50.--D. Vaissette, III. 4. 537.

[93] Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178.--D. Vaissette, III. 46-7.

[94] Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici. II. ann. 1178.--Alexander. PP.

III. Epist. 395 (D. Bouquet, XV. 950-960).

[95] Roger. Hovedens. Annal. ann. 1178.--Schmidt, I. 78.--Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1178.--Benedict. Petroburg.

Vit. Henrici II. ann. 1178.

Roger Trencavel of Beziers was no heretic (see Vaissette, III. 49) and his treatment of the Bishop of Albi and disregard of the missionary bishops shows the complete contempt into which the Church had fallen, even among the faithful.

[96] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27.

[97] Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1181.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron.

ann. 1181.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1181.--Guillel. Nangiac.

ann. 1181.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1181.--D. Vaissette, III.

57.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. c. 2.

[98] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann.

1183.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxix.--Guillel.

Nangiac. ann. 1183.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Guillel.

Brito de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Ejusd. Philippidos Lib. I.

726-45.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1183.--Du Cange s. vv. _Cotarellus, Palearii_.

[99] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Concil. Monspeliens. ann. 1195.

[100] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Tempore XII.--Guillem. de Tudela, c.

ii.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. x.x.x.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. Prom.; cf. cap. 3, 4.--Caesar. Heisterbac. Dist. v. c.

21.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Anon. Pa.s.saviens. (Bib. Mag. Pat.

XIII. 299).--Schmidt, I. 200.

[101] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis III.

[102] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis VI.; Regest. VII. 165, X.

54.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Ampl.

Collect. I. 1149-51).

In 1250 Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, told Innocent IV. at Lyons that the corruption of the priesthood was the cause of the heresies which afflicted the Church (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend.

II. 251. Ed. 1690).

[103] Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198-1201.--Hist. Episcopp.

Autissiodor. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 725-6, 729).--Petri Sarnens. Hist.

Albigens. c. 3.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 63, 99; v. 36; VI. 63, 239; IX. 110; X. 206.--Potthast, No. 9152.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann.

1200.--Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1204 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 713).

[104] Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Gesta Treviror. c. 104.