The Gospels in the Second Century Part 15

_Matt._ vii. 9-11.

[Greek: Ae tis estin ex humon anthropos, hon ean aitaesae ho huios autou arton, mae lithon epidosei auto; kai ean ichthun aitaesae mae ophin epidosei auto; ei oun humeis ponaeroi ontes oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon, poso mallon ho pataer humon ho en tois ouranois dosei agatha tois aitousin auton;]

_Clem. Hom._ iii. 56.

[Greek: Tina aitaesei huios arton, mae lithon epidosei auto; ae kai ichthun aitaesei, mae ophin epidosei auto; ei oun humeis, ponaeroi ontes, oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon, poso mallon ho pataer humon ho ouranios dosei agatha tois aitoumenois auton kai tois poiousin to thelema autou;]

_Luke_ xi. 11-13.

[Greek: Tina de ex humon ton matera aitaesei ho huios arton, mae lithon epidosei auto; ae kai ichthun, mae anti ichthuos ophin epidosei auto, ae kai ean aitaeoae oon, mae epidosei auto skorpion; ei oun humeis, ponaeroi humarchontes, oidate domata agatha didonai tois teknois humon, poso mallon ho pataer ho ex ouranou dosei pneuma hagion tois aitousin auton;]

In the earlier part of this quotation the Clementine writer seems to follow the third Gospel ([Greek: tina aitaesei, hae kai]); in the later part the first (omission of the ant.i.thesis between the egg and the scorpion, [Greek: ontes, dosei agatha]). The two Gospels are combined against the Clementines in [Greek: hex humon]

and the simpler [Greek: tois aitousin auton]. The second example shall be--

_Matt._ x. 28.

[Greek: Kai mae thobeisthe hapo ton aposteinonton to soma, taen de psuchaen mae dunamenon aposteinan thobeisthe de mallon ton dunamaenon kai psuchaen kai soma apolesai en geennae.]

_Clem. Hom._ xviii. 5.

[Greek: Mae phobaethaete apo tou aposteinontos to soma tae de psuchae mae dunamenou ti poiaesai phobaethaete tou dunamenon kai soma kai psuchaen eis taen geennan tou puros balein. Nai, lego humin, touton phobaethaete.]

_Luke xii._ 4, 5. [Greek: Mae phobaethaete apo ton aposteinonton to soma kai meta tauta mae echonton perissoteron ti poiaesai. Hupodeixo de humin tina phobaethaete phobaethaete ton meta to aposteinai echonta exousian embalein eis ton geennan nai, lego humin, touton phobaethaete.]

In common with Matthew the Clementines have [Greek: tae de psuchae] (acc. Matt.) ... [Greek: dunamenon]([Greek: -on] Matt.), and [Greek: dunamenon kai soma kai psuchaen] (in inverted order, Matt.); in common with Luke [Greek: mae phobaethaete, ti poiaesai, [em]balein eis], and the clause [Greek: nai k.t.l.] The two Gospels agree against the Clementines in the plural [Greek: ton aposteinonton.]

One more longer quotation:--

_Matt._ xxiv. 45-51.

[Greek: Tis ara estin ho pistos doulos kai phronimos, hon katestaesen ho kurios autou epi taes therapeias autou tou dounai autois taen trophaen en kairo? makarios ho doulos ekeinos hon elthon ho kurios autou heuraesei houto poiounta ... Ean de eipae ho kakos doulos ekeinos en tae kardia autou; chronizei mou ho kurios, kai arxaetai tuptein tous sundoulous autou esthiae de kai pinae meta ton methuonton, haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en haemera hae ou prosdoka kai en hora hae ou ginoskei, kai dichotomaesei auton kai to meros autou meta ton hupokriton thaesei.]

_Clem. Hom._ iii. 60.

[Greek: Theou gar boulae anadeiknutai makarios ho anthropos ekeinos hon katastaesei ho kurios autou epi taes therapeias ton sundoulon hautou, tou didonai autois tas trophas en kairo auton, mae ennooumenon kai legonta en tae kardia autou; chronizei ho kurios mou elthein; kai arxaetai tuptein tous sundoulous autou, esthion kai pinon meta te p.o.r.non kai methuonton; kai haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en hora hae ou prosdoka kai en haemera hae ou ginoskei, kai dichotomaesei auton, kai to apistoun autou meros meta ton hupokriton thaesei.]

_Luke_ xii. 42-45.

[Greek: Tis ara estin ho pistos oikonomos kai phronimos, hon katastaesei ho kurios epi taes therapeias autou, tou didonai en kairo to sitometrion? makarios ho doulos ekeinos, hon elthon ho kurios autou heuraesei poiounta hautos ... Ean de eipae ho doulos ekeinos en tae kardia autou; chronizei ho kurios mou erchesthai; kai arxaetai tuptein tous paidas kai tas paidiskas, esthiein te kai pinein kai methuskesthai; haexei ho kurios tou doulou ekeinou en haemera hae ou prosdoka, kai en hora hae ou ginoskei, kai dichotomaesei auton kai to meros autou meta ton apiston thaesei.]

I have given this pa.s.sage in full, in spite of its length, because it is interesting and characteristic; it might indeed almost be said to be typical of the pa.s.sages, not only in the Clementine Homilies, but also in other writers like Justin, which present this relation of double similarity to two of the Synoptics. It should be noticed that the pa.s.sage in the Homilies is not introduced strictly as a quotation but is interwoven with the text. On the other hand, it should be mentioned that the opening clause, [Greek: Makarios ... sundolous autou], recurs identically about thirty lines lower down. We observe that of the peculiarities of the first Synoptic the Clementines have [Greek: doulos] ([Greek: oikonomos], Luke), [Greek: [ho kurios] autou, taen trophaen] ([Greek: tas trophas], Clem.; Luke, characteristically, [Greek: to sitometrion]), the order of [Greek: en kairo, tous sundolous autou] ([Greek: tous paidas kai tas paidiskas], Luke), [Greek: meta ... methuonton], and [Greek: hupokriton] for [Greek: apiston]. Of the peculiarities of the third Synoptic the Clementines reproduce the future [Greek: katastaesei], the present [Greek: didonai], the insertion of [Greek: elthein]

([Greek: erchesthai], Luke) after [Greek: chronizei], the order of the words in this clause, and a trace of the word [Greek: apiston]

in [Greek: to apistoun autou meros]. The two Gospels support each other in most of the places where the Clementines depart from them, and especially in the two verses, one of which is paraphrased and the other omitted.

Now the question arises, What is the origin of this phenomenon of double resemblance? It may be caused in three ways: either it may proceed from alternate quoting of our two present Gospels; or it may proceed from the quoting of a later harmony of those Gospels; or, lastly, it may proceed from the quotation of a doc.u.ment earlier than our two Synoptics, and containing both cla.s.ses of peculiarities, those which have been dropped in the first Gospel as well as those which have been dropped in the third, as we find to be frequently the case with St. Mark.

Either of the first two of these hypotheses will clearly suit the phenomena; but they will hardly admit of the third. It does indeed derive a very slight countenance from the repet.i.tion of the language of the last quotation: this repet.i.tion, however, occurs at too short an interval to be of importance. But the theory that the Clementine writer is quoting from a doc.u.ment older than the two Synoptics, and indeed their common original, is excluded by the amount of matter that is common to the two Synoptics and either not found at all or found variantly in the Clementines. The coincidence between the Synoptics, we may a.s.sume, is derived from the fact that they both drew from a common original. The phraseology in which they agree is in all probability that of the original doc.u.ment itself. If therefore this phraseology is wanting in the Clementine quotations they are not likely to have been drawn directly from the doc.u.ment which underlies the Synoptics.

This conclusion too is confirmed by particulars. In the first quotation we cannot set down quite positively the Clementine expansion of [Greek: tois aitousin auton] as a later form, though it most probably is so. But the strange and fantastic phrase in the last quotation, [Greek: to apistoun auton meros meta ton hupokriton thaesei], is almost certainly a combination of the [Greek: hupokriton] of Matthew with a distorted reminiscence of the [Greek: apiston] of Luke.

We have then the same kind of choice set before us as in the case of Justin. Either the Clementine writer quotes our present Gospels, or else he quotes some other composition later than them, and which implies them. In other words, if he does not bear witness to our Gospels at first hand, he does so at second hand, and by the interposition of a further intermediate stage. It is quite possible that he may have had access to such a tertiary doc.u.ment, and that it may be the same which is the source of his apocryphal quotations: that he did draw from apocryphal sources, partly perhaps oral, but probably in the main written, there can, I think, be little doubt. Neither is it easy to draw the line and say exactly what quotations shall be referred to such sources and what shall not. The facts do not permit us to claim the exclusive use of the canonical Gospels. But that they were used, mediately or immediately and to a greater or less degree, is, I believe, beyond question.

CHAPTER VII

BASILIDES AND VALENTINUS.

Still following the order of 'Supernatural Religion,' we pa.s.s with the critic to another group of heretical writers in the earlier part of the second century. In Basilides the Gnostic we have the first of a chain of writers who, though not holding the orthodox tradition of doctrine, yet called themselves Christians (except under the stress of persecution) and used the Christian books--whether or to what extent the extant doc.u.ments of Christianity we must now endeavour to determine.

Basilides carries us back to an early date in point of time. He taught at Alexandria in the reign of Hadrian (117-137 A.D.).

Hippolytus expounds at some length, and very much in their own words, the doctrines of Basilides and his school. There is a somewhat similar account by Epiphanius, and more incidental allusions in Clement of Alexandria and Origen.

The notices that have come down to us of the writings of Basilides are confusing. Origen says that 'he had the effrontery to compose a Gospel and call it by his own name' [Endnote 188:1]. Eusebius quotes from Agrippa Castor, a contemporary and opponent from the orthodox side, a statement that 'he wrote four and twenty books (presumably of commentary) upon the Gospel' [Endnote 189:1].

Clement of Alexandria gives rather copious extracts from the twenty-third of these books, to which he gave the name of 'Exegetics' [Endnote 189:2].

Tischendorf a.s.sumes, in a manner that is not quite so 'arbitrary and erroneous' [Endnote 189:3] as his critic seems to suppose, that this Commentary was upon our four Gospels. It is not altogether clear how far Eusebius is using the words of Agrippa Castor and how far his own. If the latter, there can be no doubt that he understood the statement of Agrippa Castor as Tischendorf understands his, i.e. as referring to our present Gospels; but supposing his words to be those of the earlier writer, it is possible that, coming from the orthodox side, they may have been used in the sense which Tischendorf attributes to them. There can be no question that Irenaeus used [Greek: to euangelion] for the canonical Gospels collectively, and Justin Martyr may _perhaps_ have done so.

Tischendorf himself does not maintain that it refers to our Gospels _exclusively_. Practically the statements in regard to the Commentary of Basilides lead to nothing.

Neither does it appear any more clearly what was the nature of the Gospel that Basilides wrote. The term [Greek: euangelion] had a technical metaphysical sense in the Basilidian sect and was used to designate a part of the transcendental Gnostic revelations. The Gospel of Basilides may therefore, as Dr. Westcott suggests, reasonably enough, have had a philosophical rather than a historical character. The author of 'Supernatural Religion' censures Dr. Westcott for this suggestion [Endnote 189:4], but a few pages further on he seems to adopt it himself, though he applies it strangely to the language of Eusebius or Agrippa Castor and not to Basilides'

own work.

In any case Hippolytus expressly says that, after the generation of Jesus, the Basilidians held 'the other events in the life of the Saviour followed as they are written in the Gospels' [Endnote 190:1]. There is no reason at all to suppose that there was a breach of continuity in this respect between Basilides and his school. And if his Gospel really contained substantially the same events as ours, it is a question of comparatively secondary importance whether he actually made use of those Gospels or no.

It is rather remarkable that Hippolytus and Epiphanius, who furnish the fullest accounts of the tenets of Basilides (and his followers), say nothing about his Gospel: neither does Irenaeus or Clement of Alexandria; the first mention of it is in Origen's Homily on St. Luke. This shows how unwarranted is the a.s.sumption made in 'Supernatural Religion' [Endnote 190:2] that because Hippolytus says that Basilides appealed to a secret tradition he professed to have received from Matthias, and Eusebius that he set up certain imaginary prophets, 'Barcabbas and Barcoph,' he therefore had no other authorities. The statement that he 'absolutely ignores the canonical Gospels altogether' and does not 'recognise any such works as of authority,' is much in excess of the evidence. All that this really amounts to is that neither Hippolytus nor Eusebius say in so many words that Basilides did use our Gospels. It would be a fairer inference to argue from their silence, and still more from that of the 'malleus haereticorum' Epiphanius, that he did not in this depart from the orthodox custom; otherwise the Fathers would have been sure to charge him with it, as they did Marcion. It is really I believe a not very unsafe conclusion, for heretical as well as orthodox writers, that where the Fathers do not say to the contrary, they accepted the same doc.u.ments as themselves.

The main questions that arise in regard to Basilides are two: (1) Are the quotations supposed to be made by him really his?

(2) Are they quotations from our Gospels?

The doubt as to the authors.h.i.+p of the quotations applies chiefly to those which occur in the 'Refutation of the Heresies' by Hippolytus. This writer begins his account of the Basilidian tenets by saying, 'Let us see here how Basilides along with Isidore and his crew belie Matthias,' [Endnote 191:1] &c. He goes on using for the most part the singular [Greek: phaesin], but sometimes inserting the plural [Greek: kat' autous]. Accordingly, it has been urged that quotations which are referred to the head of the school really belong to his later followers, and the attempt has further been made to prove that the doctrines described in this section of the work of Hippolytus are later in their general character than those attributed to Basilides himself. This latter argument is very fine drawn, and will not bear any substantial weight. It is, however, probably true that a confusion is sometimes found between the 'eponymus,' as it were, of a school and his followers. Whether that has been the case here is a question that we have not sufficient data for deciding positively. The presumption is against it, but it must be admitted to be possible. It seems a forced and unnatural position to suppose that the disciples would go to one set of authorities and the master to another, and equally unnatural to think that a later critic, like Hippolytus, would confine himself to the works of these disciples and that in none of the pa.s.sages in which quotations are introduced he has gone to the fountain head. We may decline to dogmatise; but probability is in favour of the supposition that some at least of the quotations given by Hippolytus come directly from Basilides.

Some of the quotations discussed in 'Supernatural Religion' are expressly a.s.signed to the school of Basilides. Thus Clement of Alexandria, in stating the opinion which this school held on the subject of marriage, says that they referred to our Lord's saying, 'All men cannot receive this,' &c.

_Strom._ iii. I. 1.

[Greek: Ou pantes chorousi ton logon touton, eisi gar eunouchoi oi men ek genetaes oi de ex anankaes.]

_Matt._ xix. 11, 12.

[Greek: Ou pantes chorousi ton logon touton, all' ois dedotai, eisin gar eunouchoi oitines ek kiolias maetros egennaethaesan outos, kai eisin eunouchoi oitines eunouchisthaesan hupo ton anthropon, k.t.l.]

The reference of this to St. Matthew is far from being so 'preposterous' [Endnote 192:1] as the critic imagines. The use of the word [Greek: ch.o.r.ein] in this sense is striking and peculiar: it has no parallel in the New Testament, and but slight and few parallels, as it appears from the lexicons and commentators, in previous literature. The whole phrase is a remarkable one and the verbal coincidence exact, the words that follow are an easy and natural abridgment. On the same principles on which it is denied that this is a quotation from St. Matthew it would be easy to prove _a priori_ that many of the quotations in Clement of Alexandria could not be taken from the canonical Gospels which, we know, _are_ so taken.

The fact that this pa.s.sage is found among the Synoptics only in St. Matthew must not count for nothing. The very small number of additional facts and sayings that we are able to glean from the writers who, according to 'Supernatural Religion,' have used apocryphal Gospels so freely, seems to be proof that our present Gospels were (as we should expect) the fullest and most comprehensive of their kind. If, then, a pa.s.sage is found only in one of them, it is fair to conclude, not positively, but probably, that it is drawn from some special source of information that was not widely diffused.

The same remarks hold good respecting another quotation found in Epiphanius, which also comes under the general head of [Greek: Basileidianoi], though it is introduced not only by the singular [Greek: phaesin] but by the definite [Greek: phaesin ho agurtaes].