Recollections of Forty Years in the House, Senate and Cabinet Part 85

CHAPTER XL.

THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION IN 1880.

Talk of Grant for President for a Third Term--His Triumphal Return from a Trip Around the World--The Candidacy of Mr. Blaine and Myself --Many of My Opponents Those Who Disagreed with Me on Financial Questions--Accused of Being a Catholic and of Using Patronage to Aid in My Nomination--My Replies--Delay in Holding the Ohio State Convention--My Interview with Garfield--Resolution of the State Convention in My Favor--National Convention at Chicago, on June 2, 1880--Fatal Move of Nine Ohio Delegates for Blaine--Final Nomination of Garfield--Congratulations--Letter to Governor Foster and to Garfield--Wade Hampton and the "Ku-Klux Klan."

During the entire period of this session of Congress the nomination for President by the Republican national convention was naturally the chief subject of interest in political circles. General Grant returned from his voyage around the world arriving in San Francisco in December, 1879, and from that time until he reached Was.h.i.+ngton his progress was a grand popular ovation. He had been received in every country through which he pa.s.sed, especially in China and j.a.pan, with all the honors that could be conferred upon a monarch.

He made no open declaration of his candidacy, but it was understood that he was very willing to again accept the office of President.

His friends openly avowed their intention to support him, and answered the popular objection against a third term by the fact that a term had intervened since he last held the office. Mr.

Blaine was also an avowed candidate and had strong supporters in every part of the Union. My name was mentioned as a candidate, and it was generally supposed that one of the three would be the nominee of the Republican convention. I soon found that the fact that I held an office which compelled me to express my opinions was a drawback rather than a benefit, and, while I had the natural ambition to attain such a distinction, I was handicapped by my official position.

The friends of General Grant succeeded in getting control of the national committee and could dictate the time and place for holding the convention. Senator Cameron was chosen chairman of that committee. He openly avowed his preference for the nomination of General Grant, and exercised all his influence and power to promote it. It was decided to hold the convention on the 2nd of June, 1880, at Chicago.

The chief topic of all the newspapers and politicians was the merits and demerits of the three candidates then recognized as the persons from whom the choice was to be made. Every charge against either the personal character or conduct of each was canva.s.sed with the broadest license, and often with great injustice. The life and conduct of General Grant were a.n.a.lyzed, and praised or blamed according to the bias of the speaker or writer. Mr. Blaine always had a warm and ardent support by the younger Republicans in every part of the United States. His brilliant and das.h.i.+ng manner and oratory made him a favorite with all the young and active politicians, but, as he was a bold and active fighter, he had enemies as well as friends. My strength and weakness grew out of my long service in the House, Senate and cabinet, but, as my chief active work was connected with the financial questions, upon which men of all parties differed widely, I had to encounter the objections of all who were opposed to my views on these questions. The idea was that in the certain contest between Grant and Blaine I might be nominated, in case either of them should fail to receive a majority of the votes cast in the convention.

It is scarcely worth while to point out the changes of opinion during the popular discussion that preceded the meeting of the convention of which every newspaper was full, the discussion being universal. Votes were taken and expression of opinion sought in every community in the United States.

My letter book at this time became a curious mixture of business and politics, so that I was early compelled to ask two of my personal friends to take an office, which I furnished them in the Corcoran building in Was.h.i.+ngton, to answer such letters as grew out of the contest, and as a place where conferences could be held by persons interested in my nomination. In this way I severed all connection between my duties in the treasury and the necessary correspondence caused by my being named as a candidate for President. I was at once charged in the newspaper and even by personal letters, with all sorts of misdemeanors, of which I was not guilty, but which I felt it a humiliation to reply to or even to notice. Among the first was a statement that in some way or other I was under the influence of the Catholic church, and was giving Catholics an undue share of appointments. My answer is here inserted, not as important, but as a specimen of many such communications upon various subjects:

"March 1, 1880.

"My Dear Sir:--Your note of the 20th is received.

"I appreciate your kindness and frankness and will be equally frank with you.

"There is not one shadow of ground for the suspicion stated by you.

I was born, bred, educated and ingrained as a Protestant and never had any affinity, directly or indirectly, with the Catholic church, but share the common feelings and prejudices of Protestants against the special dogmas and rites of that church. Still I believe the Catholics have as good a right to their opinions, their mode of wors.h.i.+p, and religious belief as we have, and I would not weaken or impair the full freedom of religious belief, or make any contest against them on account of it for all the offices in Christendom.

I have no sympathy whatever with the narrow dogmatic hate and prejudice of Mr. Cowles on this subject, though no doubt much of this is caused by the unfortunate fact that his daughter has become a Catholic, and I am charitable enough to take this into consideration when thinking of him. Mrs. General Sherman, it is true, is a Catholic. She was born so and will remain so. She is a good Catholic, however, in good wishes and good works, but has also too much of the dogmatism and intolerance of a sectarian for my ideas.

She neither claims to have nor has any sort of influence over me.

"It is a mean business to get up such a prejudice against me when men are so ashamed of it that they are afraid to avow it.

"Very truly yours, "John Sherman.

"Hon. Geo. H. Foster, Cleveland, Ohio."

Another allegation made was that I was using the patronage of my office to aid in my nomination. In regard to this I wrote as follows to a friend:

"I think the impression has been made upon the public mind that the patronage of this department has been used in my favor. This ought to be met. Of the two men who parcel out the patronage of this department, one, General Raum, commissioner of internal revenue, is a known personal friend of General Grant, appointed by him, and the great majority of the officers under that bureau are believed to be for General Grant. I have not sought to control any of them.

McCormick, my first a.s.sistant secretary, was a known Blaine man.

The second, Hawley, was a known personal friend of General Grant, and recently resigned to run for nomination as Governor of Illinois.

McPherson, a known Blaine man, was chief of the bureau of engraving and printing, which employs some seven hundred people. The officers named have practically made all the appointments in the treasury other than the presidential ones. Probably no one who ever held my position has ever been so utterly indifferent to the distribution of patronage, except that I always insisted that good Republicans should be appointed to every position, small or great. I never inquired who they were for for President. In official letters, a copy of one of which I could furnish you if desired, I gave distinct instructions that I would not permit anyone to remain in the service who was making himself obnoxious to citizens generally, by pressing my claims or advocating my nomination for President by the next national convention, or by opposing me."

I also soon learned that nearly every applicant whose appointment I could not give or secure harbored this as a reason why I should not be nominated for President, and in three or four cases where the applicants were men of influence they opposed the selection of delegates friendly to me. I do not mention any names, for most of these gentlemen, years afterwards, became my warm friends.

I early announced that unless the State of Ohio would give me a substantial indors.e.m.e.nt, my name would not be presented to the convention. James S. Robinson was the chairman of the state committee and A. L. Conger was a prominent member. They disagreed as to the time of holding the state convention for the appointment of delegates to the national convention, which my friends were anxious to have at as early a period as possible, so that the position of Ohio might be known to, and possibly influence the action of, other states. The disagreement between these two gentlemen resulted in a postponement of the convention until a period so late that before it met most of the delegations were selected by the other states. That was thought to be inimical to my success, and led to ill-will and contention. Governor Dennison and Governor Foster had frankly and openly avowed their purpose to support my nomination, and actively did so. They advised me of the condition of opinion from time to time, and early represented that I might reasonably expect the support of all the districts, except perhaps those represented by Garfield and McKinley, and the Toledo district.

I went to Mansfield on private business about the latter part of March, and as usual was called upon to make a speech, which I did, at Miller's Hall, on the 31st of March, and which was reported in full at the time. I stated my position in regard to the nomination, as follows:

"By the course of recent events, and not by my own seeking, my name is mentioned among those from whom the Republican party will select one to carry its banner in the approaching presidential contest.

It is not egotistic to state this fact, and it would not be manly to shrink from the criticism and scrutiny which such a choice necessarily invites and provokes.

"I accepted the position without a pretense of mock modesty, because I do not think it right to allow friends to put themselves to trouble on my account without a frank avowal that I was willing to accept, and without delaying until certain of success; but with a firm determination not to detract from the merits or services of others, nor to seek this lofty elevation by dishonorable means or lying evasions or pretense. In this way, and in this way only, am I a candidate; but with great doubt whether, if nominated, I would meet the expectation of friends, and resolved in case of failure that I will abide, cheerfully and kindly, by the choice of the convention.

"There is one condition, scarcely necessary to state, upon which my candidacy depends, and that is, if the Republicans of Ohio do not fairly and fully, in their convention, express a preference for me, and support me with substantial unanimity in the national convention, my name will not be presented to that convention with my consent.

"This, fellow-citizens, is about all, and is perhaps more than I ought to say about personal matters, for in the great contest in which we are about to engage, the hopes, ambitions, and even the lives, of men, are of but little account compared with the issues involved."

I proceeded, then, to discuss the political questions of the day.

During the month of April delegates were selected from the different congressional districts of the state to attend the state convention, to meet on the 28th of that month. Prior to the convention the question of the nomination was the subject of discussion in every district. The sentiment in my favor was clearly expressed in nearly every county or district of the state. On the 8th of April I wrote the following letter to a friend:

"McKinley is still in Ohio, and I presume will be there for some days. I have to-day written to him at Canton covering the points you name. You had better write to him yourself giving the list of appointments desired.

"There is a strong feeling that Garfield, in order to save his district, should go to the Chicago convention as a delegate. He is placed in a very awkward att.i.tude now. If this district should be against my nomination it would be attributed to either want of influence on his part, or, what is worse, a want of sincerity in my support. In view of the past this would be a very unfortunate thing for him. This is a delicate matter for me to take any part in, and I leave it entirely to your good judgment and kind friends.h.i.+p."

While in Ohio I had a consultation, at Columbus, with Governor Foster, ex-Governor Dennison, and a number of other personal friends, all of whom expressed great confidence that by the time the state convention met, the friendly feeling in favor of Blaine, in some of the districts of Ohio, would be waived in deference to the apparent wishes of the great majority. In that event, in case my nomination should prove impracticable, the whole delegation could be very easily changed to Mr. Blaine. As to General Grant, though he had many warm personal friends in Ohio, yet, on account of objections to a third term, very few desired his nomination.

Prior to the state convention I had an interview with General Garfield which he sought at my office in the department, and he there expressed his earnest desire to secure my nomination and his wish to be a delegate at large, so that he might aid me effectively.

He had been chosen, with little or no opposition, United States Senator, to fill the place of Thurman, whose term expired March 4, 1881. I had not a doubt of the support of Governor Foster, with whom I had been in close correspondence, and who expressed a strong desire for my nomination. I was permitted practically to name the four delegates at large, and had implicit confidence that these delegates would take the lead in my behalf.

The state convention, which met on the 28th of April, was exceptionally large, and was composed of the leading Republicans of Ohio, who proceeded at once to the business before them. The persons named by the convention as delegates at large to the national convention, to a.s.semble in Chicago on June 2, were William Dennison, James A.

Garfield, Charles Foster and Warner M. Bateman, who were instructed for me. The following resolution of the convention expressed the preference of the Republicans of Ohio in favor of my nomination, and recommended that the vote of the state be cast for me:

"_Resolved_, That the great ability, invaluable services, long experience, full and exalted character, and unwavering fidelity to Republican principles of our distinguished fellow-citizen, John Sherman, ent.i.tle him to the honors and confidence of the Republican party of Ohio, and of the country. His matchless skill and courage as a financier have mainly contributed to accomplish the invaluable and difficult work of resumption and refunding the public debt, and made him the trusted representative, in public life, of the business interests of all cla.s.ses of the American people. He has been trained from the beginning of his public life in advocacy of the rights of man, and no man has been more unfaltering in his demand that the whole power of the government should be used to protect the colored people of the south from unlawful violence and unfriendly local legislation. And in view of his services to his country, and his eminent ability as a statesman, we, the Republican party of Ohio, present him to the Republican party of the country, as a fit candidate for president, and respectfully urge upon the Republican convention at Chicago, his nomination, and the district delegates are respectfully requested to vote for his nomination."

The trend of public sentiment, as shown by the newspaper, indicated that Grant and Blaine would each have a very strong following in the national convention, but that the contest between them might lead to my nomination. After the state convention, it was generally a.s.sumed that I would receive the united vote of the delegation in conformity with the expression of opinion by the convention. During this period a few leading men, whose names I do not care to mention, made a combination of those unfriendly to me, and agreed to disregard the preference declared by the state convention.

During the month of May the feeling in my favor increased, and many of the leading papers in New York and in the eastern states advocated my nomination as a compromise candidate.

At this time I was in constant communication with General Garfield, by letters and also by interviews, as we were both in Was.h.i.+ngton.

On the 10th of May he wrote me:

"I think it will be a mistake for us to a.s.sume a division in the Ohio delegation. We should meet and act as though we were of one mind, until those delegates who are hostile to you refuse to act with us, and if we fail to win them over, the separation will be their act, not ours."

The national convention met June 2, 1880. It was called to order in the Exposition Hall, Chicago, by Senator J. Donald Cameron, and a temporary organization, with Senator George F. h.o.a.r as president, was soon perfected. An effort was made by the friends of General Grant to adopt the unit rule, which would allow a majority of each state to determine the vote of the entire delegation. This was rejected.

Four days were occupied in perfecting the permanent organization, and the nomination of candidates for President. During this time a minority of nine of the delegation of Ohio announced their determination to vote for Blaine. This was a fatal move for Blaine, and undoubtedly led to his defeat. Nearly four-fifths of the delegation were in favor of my nomination, in pursuance of the express wishes of the Ohio convention, but they were all friendly to Blaine, and whenever it should have become apparent that my nomination was impracticable, the whole delegation could easily have been carried for him without a division, and thus have secured his nomination. The action of those nine delegates, who refused to carry out the wishes of the state convention, prevented the possibility of the vote of Ohio being cast for Mr. Blaine.

Long before the convention I had declared, in a published interview, that "Blaine is a splendid man, able and eminently fit for President.

If nominated he will find no one giving him a heartier support than myself." We were connected by early ties of a.s.sociation and kins.h.i.+p, and had been and were then warm friends. Blaine, when confident of the nomination, said of me: "To no living man does the American people owe a deeper debt of grat.i.tude than to John Sherman, for giving them resumption with all its blessings. As Secretary of the Treasury he has been the success of the age. He is as eminently fit for President as any man in America, and should he be nominated all I am capable of doing will be done to aid in his election.

Should it be my fortune to become President, or should it fall to the lot of any Republican, no one elected could afford to do less than invite Secretary Sherman to remain where he is." The folly of a few men made co-operation impracticable. I received opposition in Ohio from his pretended friends, and he therefore lost the Ohio delegation, which, but for this defection, would have made his nomination sure had I failed to receive it.

The speech of General Garfield nominating me has always been regarded as a specimen of brilliant eloquence rarely surpa.s.sed, the close of which I insert:

"You ask for his monuments. I point you to twenty-five years of national statutes. Not one great beneficent law has been placed on our statute books without his intelligent and powerful aid. He aided to formulate the laws that raised our great armies, and carried us through the war. His hand was seen in the workmans.h.i.+p of those statutes that restored the unity of the states. His hand was in all that great legislation that created the war currency, and in a still greater work that redeemed the promise of the government, and made our currency the equal of gold. And when at last called from the halls of legislation into a high executive office, he displayed that experience, intelligence, firmness, and poise of character which has carried us through a stormy period.

The great fiscal affairs of the nation, and the great business interests of our country, he has preserved, while executing the law of resumption and effecting its object, without a jar, and against the false prophecies of one-half the press and all the Democracy of this continent. He has shown himself able to meet with calmness the great emergencies of the government for twenty- five years. He has trodden the perilous heights of public duty, and against all the shafts of malice has borne his breast unharmed.

He has stood in the blaze of 'that fierce light that beats upon a throne,' but its fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, no stain on his s.h.i.+eld."

On the first ballot 9 of the Ohio delegation voted for Mr. Blaine, 34 for me, and 1 for Edmunds. The general result was 304 for Grant, 284 for Blaine, 93 for Sherman, 34 for Edmunds, 30 for Washburne, 10 for Windom. The vote of my friends would have nominated Blaine at any period of the convention, but under the conditions then existing it was impossible to secure this vote to either Blaine or Grant.

The final result was the selection of a new candidate and the nomination of Garfield.