Recollections of Forty Years in the House, Senate and Cabinet Part 86

It is probable that if I had received the united vote of the Ohio delegation I would have been nominated, as my relations with both General Grant and Mr. Blaine were of a friendly character, but it is hardly worth while to comment on what might have been. The course of the Ohio delegation was the object of severe comment, and perhaps of unfounded suspicions of perfidy on the part of some of the delegates.

As soon as I heard of the movement to nominate Garfield I sent the following telegram to Mr. Dennison:

"Was.h.i.+ngton, June 8, 1880.

"Hon. William Dennison, Convention, Chicago, Ill.

"Whenever the vote of Ohio will be likely to a.s.sure the nomination of Garfield, I appeal to every delegate to vote for him. Let Ohio be solid. Make the same appeal in my name to North Carolina and every delegate who has voted for me.

"John Sherman."

The moment the nomination was made I sent the following dispatch to Garfield at Chicago:

"Was.h.i.+ngton, June 8, 1880.

"Hon. James A. Garfield, Chicago, Ill.

"I congratulate you with all my heart upon your nomination as President of the United States. You have saved the Republican party and the country from a great peril, and a.s.sured the continued success of Republican principles.

"John Sherman."

I understood that the health of Governor Dennison, who had faithfully represented me in the national convention, was somewhat impaired by his confinement there, and invited him to join me in a sail on the Chesapeake Bay, spending a few days at different points. He accepted and we had a very enjoyable trip for about ten days.

During this trip I wrote, for the 4th of July issue of the New York "Independent," an article on Virginia and state rights. I had promised to do this some time before but could not find an opportunity, and availed myself of the quiet of the cruise to fulfill my promise.

The history of Virginia has always had for me a peculiar interest, mainly because of the leading part taken by that state in the American Revolution. The great natural resources of the state had been neglected, the fertility of the soil on the eastern sh.o.r.e had been exhausted, and no efforts had been made to develop the vast mineral wealth in the mountains along its western border. The destruction of slavery and the breaking up of the large farms and plantations had discouraged its people, and I thought, by an impartial statement of its undeveloped resources, I might excite their attention and that of citizens of other states to the wealth under its soil. This article, written in a friendly spirit, excited the attention and approval of many citizens of the state, and brought me many letters of thanks.

In time I became thoroughly advised of what occurred at the Chicago convention and had become entirely reconciled to the result, though frequently afterwards I heard incidents and details which occasioned me great pain and which seemed to establish the want of sincerity on the part of some of the delegates, and tended to show that for some time before the meeting of the convention the nomination of General Garfield had been agreed upon. After its close I had numerous letters from delegates of other states, complaining bitterly of the conduct of the Ohio delegation and giving this as a reason why they had not voted for me. I was a.s.sured that large portions of the Ma.s.sachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, and other delegations, had notified General Foster that they were ready to vote for me whenever their vote was required, but no such request came from him. The matter had been made the subject of public discussion in the newspapers. I was content with the result, but was deeply wounded by what I could not but regard as a breach of faith on the part of some of the Ohio delegation, and especially of Governor Foster, who had been fully advised of my feelings in regard to his course. I received a letter from him, on the 23rd of June, answering the allegations that had been publicly made in regard to him, and explaining his action. In reply I wrote him the following letter:

"Was.h.i.+ngton, D. C., June 30, 1880.

"Dear Sir:--Your letter of the 23rd came while I was still absent on the Chesapeake Bay. I regret that I did not see you, for a free conversation would be far more satisfactory than letter writing.

"I wish to be perfectly frank with you, as since I first became acquainted with you I have felt for you warm friends.h.i.+p, and have always had entire confidence in you. I confess, however, that the information I received in regard to your operations at Chicago had greatly weakened this feeling and left a painful impression upon my mind that you had not done by me as I would have done by you under like circ.u.mstances. Your letter chased away much of this impression, and, perhaps, the better way would be for me to write no more, but to treat your letter as entirely satisfactory and conclusive. Still I think it right for me to give you the general basis of the impressions I had formed.

"My first impulse was to send you at once a ma.s.s of letters from delegates and others attending the convention, but this would only create a controversy, and, perhaps, betray confidence, which I could not do. The general purport of these letters is that, while you spoke freely and kindly of me, yet there was always a kind of reserve in favor of Blaine and a hesitation in pressing me that indicated a divided opinion, that partly by the divisions in the Ohio delegation and partly by the halfway support of yourself, and, perhaps others, the Ohio delegation lost its moral strength and, practically, defeated me before any ballot was had.

"This general impression I could have pa.s.sed by, but it was distinctly stated to me, by delegates and friends of delegates present at the convention, that they proffered the votes of large portions of their respective delegations to you with the understanding that they were to be cast for me whenever you indicated the proper moment. This was specifically said as to Indiana, Ma.s.sachusetts, Connecticut and the Blaine portion of the Pennsylvania delegation.

It was said that you prevented Ma.s.sachusetts from voting for me from about the tenth to the fifteenth ballot on Monday, that nine of the Connecticut delegates held themselves ready to vote for me on your call, but that you put it off, and Harrison is quoted as saying that twenty-six votes from Indiana were ready to be cast for me on Monday, at any time after a few ballots, but they were withheld on account of representations from the Ohio delegation.

Mr. Billings, of Vermont, is quoted as saying that the Vermont delegation, with two or three exceptions, were ready to vote for me, but were discontented with the position taken by you, and doubted whether you desired their vote for me.

"These and many other allegations of similar import, coming one after the other, led me to believe that you had changed the position you took in the early part of the canva.s.s, and had come to the conclusion that it was not wise to nominate me, and that other arrangements for your future influenced you in changing your opinion.

This impression caused me more pain than anything that has transpired since the beginning of the contest.

"I a.s.sure you I have no regrets over the results of the convention.

Indeed, the moment it was over, I felt a sense of relief that I had not had for six months.

"The nomination of Garfield is entirely satisfactory to me. The only shade that rests on this feeling is the fact that Garfield went there by my selection to represent me and comes from the convention with the honor that I sought. I will do him the justice to say that I have seen no evidence that he has contributed to this result except by his good conduct in the presence of the convention.

I had always looked with great favor upon the contingency that if I was not nominated after a fair and full trial and Blaine was, you would be the candidate for the Vice Presidency, and had frequently said to mutual friends that this was my desire. The contingency of Garfield's nomination I did not consider, for I supposed that as he was secure in the Senate for six years, he would not desire the presidential nomination, but as it has come to him without his self-seeking it is honorable and right and I have no cause of complaint. If I believed that he had used the position I gave him to supplant me, I would consider it dishonorable and would not support him; but, while such statements have been made to me, I feel bound to say that I have never seen nor heard from credible sources any ground for such an imputation, and, therefore, he shall have my earnest and hearty support.

"There are one or two features of this canva.s.s that leave a painful impression upon me. The first is that the opposition to me in Ohio was unreasonable, without cause, either springing from corrupt or bad motives, or from such trivial causes as would scarcely justify the pouting of a schoolboy.

"I receive your frank statement with confidence and act upon it, will treat you, as of old, with hearty good will and respect, and will give no further credence to the stories I hear. You can have no knowledge of the extent of the accusations that have been made against you.

"Very truly yours, "John Sherman.

"Hon. Charles Foster, Columbus, Ohio."

With this letter I sought to divest myself of all feeling or prejudice growing out of the recent canva.s.s.

At the close of the fiscal year and the preparation of the usual statements made at that time, there was a period of rest, of which I availed myself by taking an excursion along our northeastern coast. The quiet of the voyage, the salt air, and the agreeable companions, were a great relief from the confinement and anxiety of the previous months. Upon my return to New York from this outing, on the 19th of July, I found two letters from General Garfield, both relating to the progress of the canva.s.s, and asking my opinion of his letter of acceptance. In reply I wrote him:

"New York, July 19, 1880.

"My Dear Sir:--Your letter of the 16th was received by me this morning. When I left Was.h.i.+ngton, about the 1st of July, I felt very much debilitated by the heat and by the long mental struggle through which I had pa.s.sed. I have had the benefit now of three weeks quiet and rest, mostly on the ocean, avoiding, whenever possible, all political talk, and feel, in consequence, greatly refreshed and invigorated. I take the outward voyage _via_ Fortress Monroe to Was.h.i.+ngton, arriving there on Thursday.

"I received the telegraphic invitation to speak at Chicago but could not accept, as I must give some relief to French and Upton upon my return.

"I have received letters and telegrams from Nash about his proposed canva.s.s, and highly approve it. I do not see, however, how it is possible for me to prepare a speech during the present month. I now propose to write a political letter in response to one from Chicago, which I believe will have a wider circulation than a campaign speech. During the latter part of August or the first of September, which is as early as the active campaign ought really to commence, I will be prepared to make several speeches in Ohio, and, perhaps, in other states. This is my present plan. I regard Indiana and New York as the pivotal states, and there the struggle should be.

"Your letter of acceptance I approve heartily, although I thought you yielded a little too much in one or two sentences on the civil service question. Although politicians have undertaken to ridicule and belittle the efforts of President Hayes to bring about some sort of civil service reform, yet the necessity of such a reform is so ingrafted in the minds of the leading sensible people of the northern states that anything like an abandonment of that idea will not meet favor. I agree with you that it can only be done by the co-operation of Congress, and it would be a great stroke of public policy if Congress could be prevailed upon to pa.s.s a law prescribing a reasonable tenure for civil office, with such guards against arbitrary removals as would make the inc.u.mbents somewhat independent in their opinions and actions. I had a conversation with Fletcher Harper, at Long Beach, on Sat.u.r.day, which leads me to think that he is anxious upon this subject and also upon the financial question.

"The silver law threatens to produce within a year or so a single silver standard, and already there is a feeling of uneasiness in New York as to whether we can maintain resumption upon the gold standard while the silver law remains. I could at any moment, by issuing silver freely, bring a crisis upon this question, but while I hold my present office I certainly will not do so, until the gold reserve is practically converted into silver, a process that is going on now at the rate of nearly two millions a month. I have no fear, however, of being forced to this issue during my term, and I hope Congress will come together next winter in such temper that it may arrest the coinage of the silver dollar, if it will not change the ratio. This question, however, is a very delicate one to discuss in popular a.s.semblages, and I propose, therefore, in my speeches, to make only the faintest allusions to it, not surrendering, however, our views upon the subject, for upon this, I take it, we are entirely agreed.

"I feel very hopeful of success. In this state business men are generally satisfied, and your support is so strong that, even if inclined, the Conkling Republicans will not dare oppose or s.h.i.+rk the contest. I hear different stories about Conkling, but believe that in due time he will do what he can, though his influence is greatly overrated. A too active support by him would excite the prejudices of hosts of people here who are determined not to follow where he leads.

"Very sincerely yours, "John Sherman.

"Hon. James A. Garfield, Mentor, O."

After the 19th of July I was at my desk, busily engaged in the routine duties of my office, until, in accordance with the following request of General Garfield, I visited New York to attend a conference of Republicans, as to the conduct of the pending canva.s.s:

"Mentor, O., July 31, 1880.

"Dear Mr. Sherman:--I understand that the national Republican committee have asked you to meet with them for consultation, in New York, on the 5th prox.

"At their unanimous and urgent request, I have reluctantly consented to attend, but I shall esteem it a great favor if you will also go.

"Very truly yours, "J. A. Garfield.

"Hon. John Sherman, Was.h.i.+ngton, D. C."

More than two hundred prominent Republicans from all parts of the country met on the 5th of August, among whom were Senators Blaine and Logan, Marshall Jewell, Thurlow Weed, and Edwards Pierrepont.

I was called upon to make an address. The only pa.s.sage I wish to quote is this:

"The Republican party comes before the business men of this country --with all its evidences of reviving prosperity everywhere--and asks whether they will resign all these great affairs to the solid south, headed by Wade Hampton and the Ku-Klux Klan, and a little segment of these northern states, calling themselves the Democratic party."

More than a month afterwards, Governor Hampton wrote me a letter complaining of my connecting him with the "Ku-Klux Klan," and the following correspondence ensued:

"Doggers' Springs, September 17, 1880.

"To Hon. John Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury.

"Sir:--Some days ago I saw a report of your speech at a conference held by the national Republican committee, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, and you were quoted as having used the following language: 'And now you are asked to surrender all you have done into the hands of Wade Hampton and the Ku-Klux, and the little segment in the north that is called the Democratic party.' May I ask if you used these words, and, if you did so, did you mean to connect me, directly or indirectly, with what was known as the Ku- Klux Klan?

"Requesting an early reply, addressed to me, care of Augustus Sch.e.l.l, Esq., New York, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"Wade Hampton."